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REMARKS } : / 



AFRICAN COLONIZATION 






THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY 



IN TWO PARTS 



EY A CITIZEN OF NEW ENGLAND 



4& 



U. S. A. 



WINDSOR, VT. 

PUBLISHED BY RICHARDS & TRACT. 



18 3 3 



TO THE READER. 



In giving his Remarks to the public, the author is conscious of no 
other motive than a desire to advance the interests of truth, freedom 
and happiness. He has no pride of authorship or desire of notice to 
be gratified ; no pecuniary interest to be advanced ; and no feelings of 
unkindness towards those who dissent from his views, to be indulged by 
this publication. lie has written, not with a view to satisfy the mere 
critic, or to escape his notice ; not to advance new theories, or present 
old ones in a new dress. It has been his object to write for plain, com- 
mon-sense, matter-of-fact readers : to present plain truths, well-estab- 
lished facts, and common arguments, in a plain manner, and for a practi- 
cal purpose. It is his earnest desire t)o see all the friends of humanity 
in this country act right — act vigorously — act in harmony, and in the 
best possible manner, for the relief and the elevation of the whole Afri- 
can race, whether bond or free. For the sentiments advanced in rela- 
tion to African Colonization, the Colonization Society is not responsible, 
except for the extracts from its official publications, and the legitimate 
application of those extracts. If the author has mistaken or misapplied 
the principles or language of that Society, he alone is responsible. 
The same remark applies to the use made of other publications. Should 
any reader think that there is undue severity in the strictures on the 
publications, measures and sentiments referred to in the Introduction, 
and in Part II., he is requested to examine the whole subject without 
prejudice — to read those publications, and ponder well their spirit and 
tendency, and then state publicly and candidly in what the severity con- 
sists, and in what manner it might have been dispensed with. To the 
friends of humanity and justice, who have sympathy for the poor and 
oppressed African, the author cheerfully submits his views ; and to Him 
who hears the oppressed when they cry, he would commit both himself 
and his readers, with the earnest prayer that they may be guided by 
His Spirit in all their efforts to do good. 

A Citizen of New England. 
Jpril 11, 1833. 



INTRODUCTION 



A few months since, a pamphlet of 236 pages fell into my hands, en- 
titled " Thoughts on African Colonization ; or an impartial exhibition of 
the doctrines, principles and purposes of the American Colonization Socie- 
ty, together with the Resolutions, Addresses and Remonstrances of the free 
people of color, by Wm. Lloyd Garrison." 

The object of the writer was to prove that " the Colonization Society 
is not hostile to slavery : That it " apologizes for slavery and slave-hold- 
ers ;" — " Recognizes slaves as property ; — " Increases the value of slaves ;" 
— "Is the enemy of immediate Abolition ;" — " Nourished by fear and self- 
ishness ,-" — " Aims at the expulsion of the Blacks ;" — " Disparages the 
Free Blacks ;" — " Prevents the instruction of the Blacks ;" — " Deceives 
and misleads the nation.' 1 '' The second part of the pamphlet, occupying 
76 pages, consists of " Resolutions, Addresses and Remonstrances of the 
free people of color, " showing that they are opposed to the Colonization 
Society. 

For several years I had felt a deep interest in the welfare of the col- 
ored people, bond and free, and in every effort whicr? seemed likely to 
aid in securing freedom and happiness to the whole race, or to any por- 
tion of it. I had been in favor of the Colonization Society, because, after 
a tolerably thorough examination, it seemed to promise more good to the 
whole African race than any other plan which had been proposed, and 
because it was actually doing good to a considerable portion. When 
this pamphlet appeared, I was disposed to examine it carefully, from the 
interest I felt in the colored race, in the Colonization Society, and in 
the Author of the pamphlet; having felt a sympathy for him when, from 
the confines of a prison, his touching poetry, " The Freedom of the Mind" 
echoed through the land, and having supposed him a true friend of the 
Africans and sincerely devoted to their interests. I did not agree with 
him as to the manner of removing the evils we both deplored, or approve 
of-his harsh language or rash measures. Many things which had appear- 
ed in his paper,* seemed peculiarly fitted to create jealousy and hostility 
between the colored people and the whites, and increase the alienation 
of feeling between the Northern and Southern sections of the country, 
and if generally countenanced, must be productive of serious injury. 
However sincere he might be, it seemed evident that he had more zeal 
than judgment, and must alter his course or fail of doing much good. 

* The Liberator. 



The pamphlet exhibits some talent and much labor, especially in col- 
lecting materials, and I felt assured that if the Colonization Society is a 
bad institution and "deceives and misleads the nation" this would be 
proved beyond all controversy in the course of the 236 pages ; especially 
as the author had previously brought very serious charges against the 
Society and assumed heavy responsibilities. He had declared that "the 
superstructure of the Colonization Society rests upon the following pil- 
lars: 1. Persecution ; 2. Falsehood; 3. Coioardice ; 4. Infidelity."* "I 
shall be willing to stake my reputation upon itf for honesty, prudence, 
benevolence, trutli and sagacity. If I do not prove the Colonization So- 
ciety to be a creature without heart, without brains, eyeless, unnatural, 
hypocritical, relentless, unjust — then nothing is capable of demonstration 
— then let me be covered with confusion of face." 

Such declarations gave reason to expect that evidence the most full 
and decisive would be produced to sustain them, and led me to examine 
this evidence with more than usual care. 

Having a large portion of the documents of the Society at hand, I was 
enabled to examine the extracts made from those in their connexion, 
and found it important to do so. The result of this examination was a 
full conviction, 

1. That instead of an " impartial exhibition" the pamphlet contains 
altogether a partial or one-sided view of the Colonization Society, exhib- 
iting only its apparently objectionable features, and those strangely dis- 
torted. 

2. That a large portion of the extracts made to support the charges, 
were not from the documents of the Society, but from newspapers, ser- 
mons, addresses, &c. 

3. That a large portion of the extracts made from the documents of 
the Society do not appear in them as the sentiments of the Board of 
Managers. They are extracts from speeches, copied into " the Proced- 
ings of the Society* at the annual meeting," from sermons or addresses 
published in different sections of the country, or from reviews and arti- 
cles published in other periodicals, copied into the " Appendix to the 
Report," or the African Repository, " not because every sentiment is 
approved" by the Managers or the Secretary, but because they have 
been willing to exhibit honestly the different sentiments of individuals, 
p.nd leave the public to judge in view of the whole subject. 

4. Many of the extracts are frequently interrupted thus * * * show- 
ing that something is left out. In examining these extracts as they 
stand in the publications of the Society, several of them will be seen to 
be unfairly made, parts being omitted which would essentially modiiy 
their meaning. 

5. That some of the quotations are made by putting detached senten- 
ces together, so as to convey a different meaning from that intended by 
the writers. [See examples in the Christian Spectator, March 1833, 
pp. 153, 154.] 

6. That several of the extracts contain language capable of being 
misinterpreted, especially when standing alone; and that inferences and 
comments relating to these are unfairly made. 

* Liberator, July 9tti, 1831. 

f The pamphlet, which was then in contemplation. — Lib. July 30, 1831. 



7. That although the Society may have had wrong arguments used in 
its favor ; may have been patronized by some with wrong motives ; al- 
though some may have had too high expectations of its success ; although 
some of its best friends, or even its Board of Managers, may have made 
mistakes; still the charges against the Society are not sustained and can- 
not be. 

8. That the entire reverse of nearly every charge can, by a similar 
license, be as fairly sustained as these ; but neither view alone would 
be an " impartial exhibition." 

9. That with all the faults that can possibly be charged upon the 
Colonization Society with any show of truth, it is still the most promis- 
ing means of benefiting the whole African race yet devised; and is en- 
titled to the cordial support of all the people of these United States, and 
the approbation of all the friends of liberty throughout the world. 

10. That a fair examination of the history and operations of the Soci- 
ety, will bring other minds to the same result. 

11. That if the Author would give his pamphlet a cairn, serious, prayer- 
ful re-examination; would consider the history, principles and operations 
of the Society; the character of those who formed it, and those who 
noAv conduct its affairs ; as well as the great body of its patrons ; would 
review his charges and the manner by which he has attempted to sustain 
them ; he would "be covered with confusion of face" without any effort 
being made by others to refute his charges ; and that although some 
who are glad of an excuse for doing nothing for a benevolent society, 
may thank the author for his attacks, yet benevolent men, who think and 
act for themselves, will not be long misled or embarrassed by them, and 
the Colonization Society has nothing to fear ultimately from such oppo- 
sition. 

12. That the pamphlet referred to, might do some good. It might ex- 
cite attention, examination and discussion, which should develope more 
fully the principles of the Society, make them better understood, and 
their importance more deeply felt, and thus benefit the cause in New 
England. It might make some of the friends of Colonization more care- 
ful in their arguments and efforts, and lead to increased watchfulness and 
prudence in the management of the Society. 

It might assist in removing the impression at the South, " that the 
people of New England are willing to insult and abuse them." It is 
well known that the author of the pamphlet is very obnoxious both to 
the friends and enemies of Colonization and Emancipation in the slave 
states. They have thought his language in relation to slave-holders 
slanderous, his treatment of them abusive , and his influence on the col- 
ored people peculiarly fitted to produce insurrections. Some of them 
have supposed that many in New England, and especially Colonization- 
ists, were disposed to countenance such measures, secretly if not openly. 
His hostility to the Society, therefore, might convince the Southern peo- 
ple who have opposed it, that his movements and Colonization movements 
are not one and the same thing, and thus lead them to examine its merits. 

13. That as the pamphlet was likely to do some good, although in a 
different way from that intended, therefore no reply to it was needed, 
and that no notice ought to be taken of it by the friends of Colonization. 
Although containing some truth with much error, the error was so palpa- 



6 

ble as to be easily detected by those acquainted with the history of the 
Society. 

These were my sober convictions after a very thorough examination ; 
and similar views I found were entertained by many editors,* clergymen, 
and others, who had examined the subject. After what has been said, it 
may seem strange that I should notice this pamphlet with so much for- 
mality. My apology is this: — 

1. Many persons have not the publications of the society. Very few 
in New England have the Annual Reports or any documents which 
give its early history. 

2. Few persons have time to examine the sixteen Reports and eight 
volumes of the African Repository, if they were accessible : consequent- 
ly, they are not prepared to defend the society when attacked, and are in 
some danger of being misled. 

3. It is now an easy matter for any one to collect materials from this 
pamphlet and the Liberator, and write newspaper articles accusing the 
Colonization Society, and its agents, of "deception" " falsehood" " prop- 
agating libels" " publishing gross fictions with a view to gull the weak 
and the ignorant" &c. and thus new articles are furnished for the Lib- 
erator, or copied from some paper that is willing to publish them. In 
the same manner it is easy to prepare addresses on the subject of slave- 
ry, spiced with a good degree of ridicule and sarcasm for Colonization- 
ists ; get admitted to lyceums and debating societies, and in some instan- 
ces even to churches, under the apparent sanction of ministers; create a 
temporary excitement, and then boast of their success, their converts and 
contributions; challenge the whole world to refute their arguments, and 
then, if no one notice them, to cry victory, and throw out more insulting 
challenges.! 

* " Since commencing the agency, I have conversed with the editors of het ween 90 and 100 pa- 
pers and periodicals in Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and the city of New- 
York. Of these editors, I found but four who expressed opposition to our Society." * * * I have 
conversed individually or in small circles with more than three hundred clergymen, of different 
denominations: only three of whom manifested hostility to the Society. A small number of 
others had not examined the history or claims of the Society sufficiently to express a decided 
opinion. A few others expressed some doubts, occasioned by the charges brought against the 
Society by Mr. Garrison, and other agents of the New England Anti-Slavery Society. Not hav- 
ing the publications of the Colonization Society, or any means of examining in their proper con- 
nexion, the extracts made to support these charges, they felt a temporary embarrassment. A 
much larger number, who had been in the same unsettled state from the same cause, stated that 
by examining the publications and the actual influence of the Society, they had become convinced 
that the charges br&ught against it are not sustained. Some of this class complained of having been 
reported as opposed to the Colonization Society." [Letter of an Agent to Rev. J. N. Danforlh.] — 
American Traveller, Dec. 1832. 

f Witness the following specimens. 

"55" By a Presbyterian Clergyman. 

[ For the Liberator. ] 

TO MR. 1MNFORTH, AGENT FOR THE SLAVE-DRIVERS. 

A citizen with a little ' brains and blood,' who wishes to help those who are ' tugging to put 
down sltu-crr,' offers to meet you in open debate in Boston, and maintain against youi negative, 
the truth of this proposition — ' Every living American Slave-holder is a Kidnapper.' 

The Editor of the Liberator is authorized to make the necessary arrangements, so that you may 
exhibit all your ' blood and brains, ' in ' tugging' to prop up slavery. 

ONE WHO HAS RIGHTS." 

Liberator, Feb. 16, 1833. 

" Dip Another challenge, Mr. Danforth !— from a source, too, eminently entitled to your no- 
tice. Are you ready ? 

[ For the Liberator. ] 
TO REV. MR. DANFORTH, PRESRYTER[AN MINISTER. 
As you are manifestly afraid to face ' One who has Rights,' and prove that ' every American 
Slave-holder is not a Kidnapper,'— I hereby ofl'er to meet you in open debate in Boston, and 



4. The New England Anti-slavery Society has adopted this pamph- 
let for distribution, and its agents and managers are actively opposing 
the Colonization Society in this country, and sending their publications 
to England, thus furnishing materials which some of the British Review- 
ers and editors seem much inclined to use in slandering this country. 

5. My object in noticing this pamphlet is not to reply to the charges, 
or hold a controversy with its author, or any one who agrees with him, 
adopts his style and imitates his spirit.* It is my design 

I. To-give a brief view of the history and operations of the Coloniza- 
tion Society, develope its character and principles, and give some rea- 
sons for sustaining it. 

II. To furnish a similar view of the New England Ant-slavery Soci- 
ety, express my own views in relation to the objects proposed in its Con- 
stitution, and state the reasons why I cannot co-operate with the So- 
ciety. 

maintain against your negative the following proposition : — Every Slave-holder who pro- 
fesses to be a Christian, by whatever name he is called, or whatever office he holds 
in the Church, is a Hypocrite. 

The Editor of the Liberator is authorized to make tiie necessary arrangements — if you choose 
to confront WATCHMAN." 

Liberator, Feb. 22, 1833. 

* The unfairness and misrepresentation of the pamphlet have been partially exposed in the 
Methodist Magazine and Quarterly Review, for January, African Repository for January, and 
the Christian Spectator for March. Also in several numbers of the Christian Mirror, (Portland, 
Me.) and in late numbers of the Vermont Chronicle. 



PART I. 



AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 



Annual Reports of the American Colonization Society. Af- 
rican Repository. Review on African Colonization : Christian Spec- 
tator, Sept. 1830. Letters on the Colonization Society, with a view of its 
probable results : addressed to the Hon. C. F. Mercer. By M. Carey, 
1832. American Colonization Society, N. A. Review, July 1832, Art. 
VII. Slavery Question in Virginia, American Quarterly Review, Dec. 
1832. Colonization Society, Christian Examiner, Sept, 1832, and Jan. 
1833. 

From the first introduction of slaves into the United States and the 
West Indies, there have been multitudes to bear testimony against the 
system of slavery, and weep for the misery occasioned by it. Some have 
given proof of their sincerity by their skill in devising, and their zeal, 
energy, perseverance and self denial in prosecuting plans for abolishing 
the abominable traffic in human flesh, and for relieving the misery of the 
slaves, and of the free people of color. The names of Clarkson, Wil- 
berforce, and others, who were "shoulder to shoulder" with them in the 
great conflict for the abolition of the slave trade, will be held in grateful 
remembrance, when the names of many heroes and conquerors, whom 
history has immortalized, shall have become odious. 

Many individuals have manifested a praise-worthy zeal, both before 
and since the abolition of the slave-trade, in their efforts to emancipate 
and elevate the enslaved Africans ; while great multitudes have slumber- 
ed with indifference over their misfortunes, or passed them by in despair, 
as if there were no remedy. 

" In consequence of the memorable decision of the English Judiciary, in the case 
of Somerset, that slavery could not exist upon the soil of England, several hundred 
blacks, unaccustomed to the profitable employments of a great city, were thrown 
upon their resources in the streets of London. The celebrated Granville Sharp 
having taken a peculiarly prominent part in the whole affair of the slave question., 
they flocked to him as their patron; and he, after much reflection, determined to 
colonize them in Africa.'* 

Here was the origin of the Sierra Leone Colony. In 1787, four hun- 
dred negroes and sixty Europeans were sent thither at the expense of the 
British government. In 1789, thirty-nine more were sent out. In 1791, 
about 1200 emigrants from Nova Scotia were induced to join the colony 
by the influence of the venerable Clarkson. These were originally ref- 
ugees from this country, who had placed themselves under British pro- 

N. A. Review, July, 1832, p. 120. 



10 

tection.* The Maroonsf from Jamaica were introduced about the year 
1805. Since the abolition in 1808, large numbers have joined the col- 
ony who were liberated from slave ships. In 1823, the colony contained 
about 18000 inhabitants, of whom, 12000 were liberated Africans. In 
1828, the number of this class was more than 15000. Two thousand 
four hundred and fifty-eight liberated captives were added to the colony, 
during the year 1827 alone.f * 

While the leading abolitionists in Great Britian were thus providing 
an asylum for the liberated Africans, the attention of great and good men 
in the United States was turned to the same subject. They saw that 
many who had been liberated were ignorant, without employment, desti- 
tute of the means and motives necessary to elevate men, and, consequent- 
ly, exposed to temptation, suffering and crime. Even before the com- 
mencement of the Sierra Leone colony, as early as 1777, Mr. Jefferson 
had formed a plan of colonizing the free people of color ; but the distract- 
ed state of the country occasioned by the war, or other causes, prevented 
its developement. 

In the year 1787, Dr. Thornton, of Washington, "proposed the sub- 
ject of the colonization of the people of color on the coast of Africa to the 
people of Boston, and Providence, (Rhode Island.) Many were disposed 
to accompany him to Africa, but the want of funds prevented the experi- 
ment. In 1789, Rev. Samuel Hopkins, of Newport, Rhode Island, 
wrote to Granville Sharp, to ascertain the situation of the colony at Sierra 
Leone, and especially, whether the blacks of New England "might 
have any part of the colonial lands to settle on, and on what terms." 

In the American Museum, is an article, dated March 6, 1790, attrib- 
uted to Ferdinando Fairfax, in which " it is proposed, that a colony 
should be settled under the auspices and protection of Congress, by the 
negroes now within the United States, and be composed of those who 
are already, as well as those who at any time hereafter, may become lib- 
erated by the voluntary consent of their owners," &c. 

About the year 1800 or 1801, the Legislature of Virginia instructed 
Mr. Monroe, then Governor of the State, to endeavor, through the agency 
of President Jefferson, to secure " an asylum beyond the limits of the 
United States for such persons of color as had been, or might be, eman- 
cipated under the laws of the commonwealth." An effort was made to 
obtain a territory, first in Africa, from the Sierra Leone Company, and af- 
terwards in South America, from the government of Portugal. Both at- 
tempts were unsuccessful. In 1811, Mr. Jefferson, in reply to inquiries 
relative to Colonization, wrote as follows : " Having long ago made up 
my mind on this subject, I have no hesitation in saying, that I have ever 
thought that the most desirable measure which could be adopted for 
drawing off this part of our population, — " most advantageous to them- 
selves, as well as ws." 

Again, " Indeed nothing is more to be wished than that the United States 
woidd themselves undertake to make such an establishment on the coast of 
Africa:' 

* North American Review, July, 1832, p. 120. f A n ame £ iven to a large number of 
Negroes, originally slaves in Jamaica, who availed themselves of a Revolution fin that Island 
to take refuge among the mountains of the interior, and have never since been subdued, lb. p. 
121. J lb. 



11 

In 1816, the legislature of Virginia again passed a resolve,* request- 
ing the Executive to take measures for procuring "an asylum for such 
persons of color as are noiv free, and may desire it, and for those who 
may hereafter be emancipated within this commonwealth," &c. 

By this time, the experiment at Sierra Leone, notwithstanding all its 
embarrassments, had demonstrated that the plan of Colonization is prac- 
ticable : the views of individuals, far separated from each other by dis- 
tance and circumstances, began to be understood; and there was suffi- 
cient evidence that a noble plan for benefiting the African race might be 
carried forward, to enlist the energies of the Rev. Robert Finley, of 
Basking Ridge, N. J., draw out his views and feelings relating to the 
interests of the free blacks, and urge him forward to be the pioneer of 
the enterprize to be commenced for their benefit. 

" A concurrent movement towards the adoption of some particular plan of ope- 
rations was distinctly concerted in Maich 1616, at Georgetown, D. C, between a 
resident of that place and several citizens of the two neighboring states. Tins was 
without the knowledge or participation of any individual living north of Maryland 
But in the course of the ensuing summer and autumn, the discussion became more 
general and excited considerable interest in Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, 
Princeton, and other principal places in that section of the country. Still Mr. 
Finley seems rather to have led public opinion, for while others were only talking 
and thinking, he teas devoting himself wholly to the cause. After having reflected 
deliberately on the proper place, time and manner of commencing the long con- 
templated movement — and the propriety of doing something had scarcely been dis- 
puted at all — he resolved to test the popularity, and in some degree the practica- 
bility of his own plan, by introducing the subject to public notice at Washington. 
He arrived at that city about the first of December, 1816, and began to make ar- 
rangements for a meeting of the citizens. Many ridiculed, and some opposed him ; 
but meekly contenting himself with the observation, ' I know this scheme is from 
God,' he persevered and prevailed. The Society was organized on the first of 
January. 161?.' { 

The second article, of the constitution defines the object of the socie- 
ty, and is in the following language : — 

" The object to which its attention is to be exclusively directed, is to promote 
and execute a plan for colonizing, (with their consent) the free people of color re- 
siding in this country, in Africa, or such other place as Congress shall deem most 
expedient. And the Society shall act, to effect this object, in co-operation with 
the general government and such of the States as may adopt resolutions on the 
subject." 

It would seem impossible that any opposition could with propriety be 
made to the Society, especially as it "has uniformly acted in pursuance 
of these clearly declared principles, to the exclusion of all others.":): 

But probably no other Society has ever triumphed over opposition so 
various, or obstacles so numerous. At the first annual meeting it was 
stated by the President, that "an effort has unfortunately been made to 
prejudice the minds of the free people of color against the institution, 
which had its origin, it is believed, in an honest desire to promote their 
happiness. A suggestion has been made to them which this Society dis- 
claims by the terms of its Constitution, that they are to be constrained to 
migrate to the country which may be selected for the seat of our col- 
ony. No suspicioii can be more unfounded. It is sanctioned by no decla- 

* This was the first public act of Virginia in relation to this subject. The former measures 
were in secret session, as the time had not arrived when any measure having even an indirect 
bearing in favor of emancipation, could be publicly discussed in Virginia. 

f N. A. R. July 1832 p. 12G. % lb. p. 127. &3=After quoting this identical article of the Con- 
stitution, Mr. Garrison cites above fifty extracts which lie says "abundantly sustain the charge 
that the Society has not swerved from its original design" fyc [Thoughts on African Col. p. 42. etc.] 



12 

rations or acts of the Society, from which alone our intentions can be 
candidly inferred.* 

Then the Society was opposed as " an invention of the slave-holder to 
" remove the free blacks, that he might hold his slaves more securely in 
bondage." This accusation seemed quite plausible to northern men, 
especially when it was said that " it originated in a slave state. The 
Virginia Legislature had passed resolves in favor of colonizing the free 
blacks so early as 1801, and shocking to relate, "it ivas done in secret 
session!!" And moreover " the President himself was a slave hold- 
er." These circumstances, to many minds, were proof positive that the 
Colonization Society was a monstrosity, " designed to perpetuate slave- 
ry." When this charge was disavowed and disproved, and it was seen 
that its founders and managers did hope and believe that the moral influ- 
ence of the Society would tend to voluntary emancipation, Northern men 
began to examine and approve its plans ; but before the obstacles crea- 
ted by this objection were removed, opposition sprang up at the South, 
denouncing the Society as " a northern scheme to interfere with their 
rights," "rob them of their property," "deluge the land in blood," &c. or 
in other words, " to get away their slaves, or encourage among them 
insubordination and insurrection." This charge was also denied and 
disproved, and the two objections, to some extent, served to destroy each 
other. Still there are a few in New England who oppose the Society 
because they say it tends to perpetuate slavery, while those who are for 
perpetuating slavery at the South, oppose it " because it tends to eman- 
cipation." 

The society was opposed and ridiculed as " a visionary scheme which 
could accomplish nothing." Some opposed and multitudes neglected it 
because it would cost money. This, with many, was objection enough. 

Many would do nothing to aid the Society, because it was for the ben- 
efit of the colored people. Some were willing to consign them to per- 
petual servitude, ignorance, and debasement, and others thought that 
they could not be elevated. 

For a time, it was difficult to decide on the place for planting a colo- 
ny. Some were in favor of Africa ; some of Hayti ; some of Canada : 
some of South America or Mexico ; while others would have the col- 
ony beyond the Rocky mountains, or within the territory of the United 
States. When it was decided to make the experiment on the African 
coast, some believed the colonists could not endure the climate, or that 
they could not be there protected, governed, or elevated. It was stig- 
matized as a " wild scheme for sending miserable, degraded beings, from 
a Christian to a barbarous country, to be civilized and Christianized ;" 
and what was still more absurd, "to civilize a whole contiment of kid- 
nappers and slave dealers." 

A great preliminary work was to be performed, before a colony could 
be planted. 

In this country, information must be circulated ; the condition of the 
colored people be understood ; facts and arguments must arouse the atten- 
tion and interest of the community ; ingorance and prejudice must be 
enlightened and overcome, and funds be collected. Then the coast of 
Africa must be surveyed ; territory purchased ; the favor of the natives 

* Speech of Judge Washington. First Annual Report. 



13 

secured ; the best location selected and fitted for receiving 1 emigrants. 
Numerous obstacles retarded the acquisition of territory: the natives 
were jealous of white men, judging of their character, doubtless, from 
the specimens they had been acquainted with in the slave trade. 

Some of the native chiefs were in favor of selling territory to be 
occupied by colored people from America, but others were strongly op- 
posed to it. They could not see why such a colony should be planted 
there, and were fearful it would interfere with the slave trade, or in 
some way affect their interest. 

In 1820 a number of emigrants went out, but "they found it impossi- 
ble to obtain a suitable place, and were compelled, by a variety of un- 
toward circumstances, to make a temporary establishment in the low, 
unhealthy island of Sherbro. Here they were detained for some time, 
endeavoring to purchase land — and were attacked by fatal diseases, 
which carried off three agents and twenty of the colonists."* Several 
other emigrants went out in 1821, but their prospects were truly dis- 
couraging, till an extensive territory was purchased on the coast, and 
the colony removed to Cape Montserado. In 1S22, Mr. Ashmun went 
out to the colony with a small band of emigrants, and found those who 
iiad previously gone out, in a wretched condition. They had suffered 
much from sickness, the want of medical aid, of suitable dwellings, and 
those comforts and conveniences necessary to the enjoyment of life and 
health. The health of the agent had failed, and he had sailed for the 
United States, leaving the colonists defenceless, and, as it afterwards 
appeared, upon the verge of destruction. Soon after Mr. Ashmun's arri- 
val, he discovered an % extensive plot among the native tribes, to destroy 
the colony. Although they had fairly sold the territory, and consented 
to its settlement, they were either " sick of their bargain," or thirsting 
for plunder, and had proved treacherous. Finding it impossible to recon- 
cile them or prevent an attack, Mr. Ashmun made the best possible 
preparation, and with but a handful of men defended the colony from two 
violent attacks of several hundred armed natives, and secured a permanent 
peace. Since that time, the Society has been gaining strength, and, 
notwithstanding all the obstacles Avhich have opposed its progress, the 
colony has grown and prospered beyond the most sanguine expectations 
of its more intelligent friends. 

The following table, it is believed, exhibits the number of emigrants. 

Previous to May 1823, . . . 225. In 1828, . . . 295. 

In 1824, . . .105. 1829, . . . 160. 

1825, ... 66. 1830, . . . 406. 

1826, . . . 288. 1831, . . . 445. 

1827, . . . 238. 1832, . . . 790. 

More tha'n 700 of the emigrants were slaves, manumitted for the pur- 
pose of removal to Liberia. Two hundred forty-seven of this class were 
sent out the last year, and one hundred eighty-nine near the close of 1831. 

The territory of the colony extends along the coast about 280 miles, 
and into the interior from 20 to 30 miles, and in some places to a greater 
distance. It is believed that additional lands may be purchased at a low 
price, to any desirable extent.f The soil, animal and vegetable produc- 

* Mr. Carey's Letters. 
r * A ! ll J ilinnal purchases have been made durum the last vear, and two new settlements, cms at 
i. rand iiassa, and one at Grand Cape Mount, are about being made. 



14 

tions, and the commercial advantages of this country, are such as to ren- 
der it capable of sustaining a large population. 

" Durino- the year preceding the first of May last, 59 vessels had visited the port 
of Monrovia, of which 32 were American, 25 English and 2 French. The exports 
durino- the same period (consisting chiefly of camwood, ivory, palm-oil, tortoise- 
shell and gold) amounted to $125,549 16; of imports to $80,000."* 

The climate is now believed to be favorable to people of color. " The 
natives on the coast are remarkably healthy,, and so are the acclimated 
emigrants."t In the early history of the colony, although there was 
much sickness, the mortality was trifling, compared with that in the first 
colonies of this country, and the colony of Sierra Leone. " The colony 
which settled at James Town was at one time reduced from 500 to 60 
persons."! " In twelve years after £85,000 had been expended by the 
Virginia Company, only 600 persons remained in the colony."! " In 
1634, after £150,000 had been expended, and more than 9,000 persons 
had emigrated to the colonies, only 1,S00 remained."!- "Of 1,600 per- 
sons who came out with John Winthrop in 1630, 200 died in six 
months."f At Sierra Leone, "the intemperance and imprudence of the 
emigrants brought on a mortality which reduced their numbers nearly 
one half, during the first year."} After the 1200 refugees from Nova 
Scotia had removed to Sierra Leone, "one-tenth of the Nova-Scotians 
and half of the Europeans died during one season, as much from want of 
provisions as from any other cause."} No mortality like this has visited 
the colony at Liberia. The colonists say : " We enjoy health after a 
few months residence in the country, as uniformly, and in as perfect a 
degree, as we possessed that blessing in our native country. And a 
distressing scarcity of provisions, or any of the comforts of life, has for 
the last two years been entirely unknown, even to the poorest person in 
this community. On these points, there are and have been much mis- 
conception, and some malicious misrepresentations, in the U. States. * 
* * The true character of the African climate is not well understood in 
other countries. Its inhabitants are as robust, as healthy, as long-lived, 
to say the least, as those of any other country. Nothing like an epi- 
demic has ever appeared in this colony ; nor can we learn from the na- 
tives that the calamity of a sweeping sickness ever yet visited this part 
of the continent. But the change from a temperate to a tropical country 
is a great one — too great not to affect the health, more or less — and, in 
cases of old people and very young children, it often causes death. In 
the early years of the colony, want of good houses— the great fatigues 
and dangers of the settlers— their irregular mode of living, and the hard- 
ships and discouragements they met with, greatly helped the other 
causes of sickness, which prevailed to an alarming extent, and were at- 
tended with great mortality. But we look back to those times as to a 
season of trial long past, and almost forgotten. Our houses and circum- 
stances are now comfortable ; and, for the last two or three years, not 
one person in forty from the Middle and Southern States, has died from 
the change of$limate."§ Two colored men, who went to Liberia during 
the last summer, and spent nearly three weeks in examining the condi- 
tion and prospects of the different settlements, thus speak on the sub- 

* Sixteenth Report, p. P. t M. Carey's Letters. 

: N. A. Review, July, 1832, p. 120. 5 Address of the Colonists, 13th Rep. p. 35. 



15 

ject:— "Wherever we went, the people appeared to enjoy good health ; 
and a more healthy looking people, particularly the children, we have' 
not seen in the United States. We were there in what is called the 
rainy season, (although it rained hard but once for about half an hour, 
during the whole three weeks of our visit,) and instead of the heat be- 
ing oppressive, we had constantly a fine breeze, and the air was as cool 
as it is at Natchez about the last of September. 

" We ought to say, that our voyage was very pleasant, and nearly all 
those who sailed with us from Norfolk, (158) appeared to enjoy them- 
selves well. Just before our arrival at the colony, a few were taken 
sick, and two children (one an infant) died soon after they were landed. 
Our own health while in the colony was perfectly good, although we' 
were much exposed to night air."* 

The government of the colony is essentially republican. The laws 
are similar to those of the United States, and have, thus far, secured the 
good order and prosperity of the colony. The « Constitution for the 
government of the African Colony in Liberia," may be seen in the Appen- 
dix to the 13th Annual Report, and a Digest of the laws in the Appen- 
dix to the 12th Report, p. 38. 

In relation to government, the Colonists say, '< Our Constitution se- 
cures to us, so far as our condition allows, ' all the rights and privileges 
enjoyed by the free citizens of the United States,' and these rights and 
privileges are ours. We are proprietors of the soil we live on, and pos- 
sess the rights of freeholders. Our suffrages, and what is of more im- 
portance, our sentiments and our opinions, have their due weight in the 
Government we live under. Our laws are ^together our own : they 
grow out of our circumstances ; are framed for our exclusive benefit and 
administered either by officers of our appointment, or such as possess our 
entire confidence. We have a Judiciary, chosen from among ourselves ; 
we serve as jurors in the trial of others; and are liable to be tried only 
by juries of our fellow citizens ourselves."f 

The cause of education! in the colony has ever been regarded by the 
Board of Managers as one of great importance; and efforts have been 
made from year to year, to sustain public schools suited to the wants of 
the people. At some periods, it has been impossible to do this for want 
of suitable teachers, but recent reports exhibit evidence of the prosper- 
ity of the schools. Messrs. Simpson and Moore say, "There are five 
schools two of which we visited, and were much pleased with the teach- 
ers, and the improvement of the children. § 

rrJnT P onn C ^P* J" MonrOTia > Caldwell, and Millsbur^h have 

have it - 11 G ° Vern0r WeChlin SayS ' "* am h W t0 

have it in my power to state that the condition of our public schools is 

highly prosperous ; this will be demonstrated by the enclosed semi-anu- 
ai statements. The female schools at Monrovia and Caldwell are con- 
ducted in a manner highly creditable to Mrs. Johnson and Mrs. Caesar, 
mo have them m charge. The beneficial results of our present sched 

• Letter from Messrs. Simpson and Moore, African repository, October, 183*. 
Ann ;: Kepffp " 3 i ^^ '° ^ f ' ee fJe °' Jle of colur •» *»» United States. Appendix to 13 
I See article 8 N. A. Review, Jan. 1325, in which fr a totter from Gen. Harper. 
5 -ee Reports of schools, African Repository, Dec. 1833. 
1 lb. p. 300. See also system of Education for the Colony in the Repository for Nov. 



16 

regulations are daily becoming more apparent, and I have great hopes 
that the principal obstacle to the more general application of the system, 
viz. the want of funds, will be removed by the alteration in our revenue 
law, received by the last arrival ; and should our imports for the coming, 
equal those of the past year, there will be revenue sufficient, I trust, to 
defray the expense of supporting a school among our re-captured Afri- 
cans, who are still very earnest in their solicitations that the benefits of 
education should be extended to themselves and their children."* 

The moral and religious state of the colony is represented as highly 
interesting. The colonists say, " We have all that is meant by liberty 
of conscie7ice. The time and mode of worshiping God as prescribed in 
his word, and dictated by our conscience, we are not only free to follow, 
but are protected in following.? 

" As to the morals of the Colonists, I consider them much' better than those of 
the people of the United States ; that is, you may take an equal number of the inhab- 
itants from any section oftlie Union, and you will find more drunkards, more profane 
swearers and Sabbath-breakers, &c. than in Liberia. Indeed, I know of no coun- 
try where things aae conducted more quietly and orderly, than in this colony. 
You rarely hear an oath, and as to riots and breaches of the peace, I recollect of 
but one instance, and that of a trifling nature, that has come under my notice 
since I assumed the government of the colony. The Sabbath is more strictly ob- 
served than I ever saw it in the United States. Our Sunday schools are well at- 
tended, not only by the children of the colonists, but also by the native children 
who reside amongst us." — Letter of Governor Mechlin. M. Carey s letters, p. 24. 

Capt. Abels, of the schooner Magaret Mercer, who had spent 13 days 
in Liberia in free intercourse with the people, under date of Feb. 10, 
1832, writes, " All the colonists appear to be in good health. All my 
expectations in regard to the aspect of things, the health, harmony, or- 
der, contentment, industry and general prosperity of the settlers, were 
more than realized. * * * * Among all that I conversed with, 1 did 
not find one discontented person, or hear one express a desire to return 
to America. I saw no intemperance, nor did I hear a profane word ut- 
tered by any one. * * * I know of no place where the Sabbath ap- 
pears to me, more respected, than in Monrovia. I was glad to see that 
the Colonial Agent, or Governor, is a constant attendant on divine ser- 
vice, and desirous of promoting the moral and religious welfare of the 
people. Most of the settlers appear to be rapidly acquiring property, 
and I have no doubt they are doing better for themselves and their 
children, in Liberia, than they could do in any other part of the world. 
Could the free people of color in this country but see the real condition 
of their brethren who have settled in Africa, I am persuaded they would 
require no other motive to induce them to emigrate. This is my decid- 
ed judgment." 

The following is the testimony of Messrs. Simpson and Moore. " Wo 
noticed, particularly, the moral state of things, and during our visit, saw 
but one man who appeared to be intemperate, and but two who used any 
profane language. We think the settlers more moral, as a people, than 
tiie citizens of the United States. The Sabbath is very strictly observ- 
ed, and there is great attention to the things of religion. We attendee 
church several times, and one of us, being a minister of the gospel, of 
the Methodist church, preached three times to large and very attentive 

* Reports of schools. Afr. Repository, Dec. 1832. 
{Address cf the colonists in 1827. 



17 

congregations. There must have been from three to four hundred at 
each religious service ; all well dressed and apparently respectable per- 
sons." 

The commercial intercourse of the colony with the native tribes is ex- 
tending, and the latter manifest an increasing desire to imitate the man- 
ners and customs of the former. Some are very anxious to have intro- 
duced among them mills, agricultural establishments, trading-houses, 
schools and missionaries, that they may know and enjoy the blessings 
which civilization and Christianity can confer ; and probably a broader 
field for commercial enterprize, and for intellectual, moral and religious 
cultivation than Africa presents, at this moment, does not exist in any 
heathen country. The eyes of the civilized' world are turned to that 
continent with new and intense interest, since the recent discovery of 
the long sought termination of the river Niger has opened to their gaze 
a vast extent of territory in the interior, with a fertile soil, abounding 
with tropical productions and occupied by a great population, on which 
commerce, civilization and Christianity may test their noblest experi- 
ments. And who does not see that colonies like that of Liberia, must 
aiford the best facilities for trying these experiments ? But more of this 
in the sequel. 

To one who is accustomed to weep for human suffering, and rejoice 
in the progress of efjrts for relieving it, and especially to the friend of 
the African, the history of the Liberian colony, with its present condi- 
tion and prospects, must be full of interest ; and he will watch with equal 
interest the progress of public sentiment and action in its behalf. It is 
peculiarly gratifying to find that many distinguished men, who at first 
opposed or neglected the Society, have become its warm friends and gen- 
erous patrons. Nearly fifty subscriptions of $100 annually for ten year.-', 
on the plan of Gerrit Smith, have been pledged, and the funds of the So- 
ciety are increasing from year- to year.* A great and favorable change 
has been wrought in public sentiment. The legislatures of more than 
half the States, including New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, 
Connecticut, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, have passed resolutions 
in favor of the Society. And "nearly all the ecclesiastical bodies in 
the United States have, by resolutions, firmly expressed their opinion 
that the Society merits the consideration and favor of the whole Christian 
community, and earnestly recommend it to their patronage."j The So- 
ciety and the colony have become known in Great. Britain. Donations 
amounting to several hundred pounds^ have already been received, and 
distinguished individuals have expressed their deep interest in the pros- 
perity of the enterprize. The Society of Friends in London have au- 
thorized their brethren in North Carolina to draw on them to the amount 
of 82000, to aid in the colonization of the colored people under their 
care. An eminent friend of Africa, John Mortlock, Esq. has offered to 
give £500 to the Society, provided nine others will do the same.§ An 
interesting and favorable account of the colony has been published in the 
Amulet, a British publication, for 1832, in an Essay on the slave trade, 
which is said to be " extracted principally from the journal of a gallant 

* Receipts of the last year exceed those of any former one by more than $10,000. 

1 Appendix to the 15th Annual Report, p. 43. {African Eepos. Vol. 8, p. 345. (IK 



18 

and distinguished naval officer, who passed three years on the x\frican 
coast, from which he had just returned." 

The venerable Thomas Clarkson, in a letter to the agent, declares, 
" For myself, I am free to say, that of all things that have been going on 
in our favor since 1787, when the abolition of the slave trade was first 
seriously proposed, that which is going on in the United States is the 
most important.* Mr. Wilberforce declares, " You have gladdened 
my heart, by convincing me that, sanguine as had been my hopes of the 
happy effects to be produced by your Institution, all my anticipations 
are scanty and cold compared with the reality. This may truly be 
deemed a pledge of the divine favor, and believe me, no Briton — I had al- 
most said no American, can take a livelier interest than myself, in your 
true greatness and glory "f 

The question may well arise, why should any one oppose the Coloniza- 
tion Society, or refuse to pray for its prosperity and aid its efforts? If a 
benevolent man can do this, it must be because he believes either its ob- 
ject or its tendency to be wrong. Doubtless some persons mistake both. 
In the Third Annual Reportf the managers say : "It is believed that a 
comprehensive answer to most if not all of the objections to the Society 
would be furnished by simply repeating what it is that the Society pro- 
poses to do. They propose, then, in the language of the Virginia reso- 
lution, to procure a suitable territory on the coast o» Africa for such of the 
free people of color as may choose to avail themselves of this asylum : and 
for such slaves as their proprietors may please to emancipate ; and they 
purpose, moreover, to furnish the means of transporting the emigrants to 
Africa, or to enlarge the means which they may themselves provide. 
They do not therefore intend, and they have not the inclination, 
if they possessed the power, to constrain the departure of any freemen of 
color from America, or to coerce any proprietor to emancipate his slaves.'" 
What possible objection can there be to this ? If the free people of color, 
or a part of them, wish to go to Africa, it is right they should do so. If 
they need assistance, they ought to have it. If masters desire to eman- 
cipate their slaves, and yet are prevented either by law or by a regard 
to their own safety, or the welfare of their slaves, from doing so, till they 
can be placed in circumstances of comfort, why should not an asylum be 
provided, and the means furnished for sending them to it ? If the Socie- 
ty is objected to because it does not educate the free blacks in this coun- 
try, or because it does not liberate and elevate the slave here, it is a suf- 
ficient answer to these objections, that the Society ivas formed to accom- 
plish another object, to which its attention is to be exclusively 
directed."}: We might as well object to the Bible Society, or to the 
Tract or Temperance Society, because each pursues its own object, and 
does not turn aside to abolish slavery or educate the free blacks. 

But it may be said, that we must look at the actual tendency of the So- 
ciety, as well as its professed object. This is admitted. It is also ad- 
mitted that the Colonization Society of necessity exerts some influence on 
Vat system of slavery. This has never been doubted. It is farther ad- 
mitted, that if this influence tends to perpetuate slavery, its character and 
influence ought to be changed, or the Society abandoned. However 
■ beneficial the Society might be to the free blacks, to this country, or to 

* Fifteenth Report, pp. 14, 15. f lb. pp. 21, 22. } Constitution. 



19 

Africa, I could not plead its causa if universal emancipation was there- 
by rendered more hopeless. 

What then is the influence of this Society on slavery 1 } 

To answer this question, we must examine its history, the views of its 
founders and managers, and such facts as we can collect from other 
sources. 

Emancipation, to some extent, had taken place long before the Socie- 
ty was formed ; but the experiments thus made, convinced many of the 
Southern people that emancipation, under existing circumstances, was 
unsafe and injurious to the slaves, their masters, and those made free. 
Mr. Clay stated, at the first Annual Meeting of the Society, that "sev- 
eral of the states had, and perhaps all of them would, prohibit entirely 
emancipation, unless some such outlet was created. A sense of their 
own safety required the painful prohibition. Experience proved that per- 
sons turned loose, who were neither freemen nor slaves, constituted a 
great moral evil, threatening to contaminate all parts of society."* 

At the same meeting, Hon. C. P. Mercer said, " Many thousand indi- 
viduals in our native State, you well know, Mr. President, are restrained 
from manumitting their slaves, as you and I are, by the melancholy con- 
viction, that they cannot yield to the suggestions of humanity without in- 
jury to their country.*" 

Public sentiment, and the laws which grew out of it, were thus operat- 
ing to prevent emancipation ; and those who formed the Colonization 
Society saw clearly that, unless some plan could be devised and carried 
into effect, which should convince the Southern planters that slaves can 
be liberated with benefit to themselves and safety to their masters, eman- 
cipation must cease. To attempt immediate emancipation without Col- 
onization, would be like the attempt to stay the tornado, beat back the 
current of a mighty river, or rather like the attempt to quench the flames 
with materials highly combustible. Abolition societies could not press 
emancipation much farther, for experiments already made were operating 
to prevent it. The plan of the Colonization Society, therefore, was the 
best one which the united wisdom of the friends of the colored race, who 
understood the difficulties of the case, could devise. The simple princi- 
ple of its Constitution was the only one on which the Society could act 
to any purpose. On this ground the North and the South could meet ; 
and while acting within its proper sphere, neither party could reasonably 
object to it. The successful operation of the Society would enable the 
slaveholder to liberate his slaves in a manner beneficial to themselves, 
and consistent with the laws of the States, and without injury to any 
one. The slaveholder who would perpetuate the system had no right to 
oppose the Society. It would not ' coerce any proprietor to emanci- 
pate' — would not 'interfere with the rights' secured to him by law, and 
would not ' promote insurrection and insubordination among the slaves.' 

If the North and the South could be brought to examine this subject 
calmly, and interchange their views and feelings, they would at length 
act in concert, and in the best manner, for the removal of evils which 
both deplored, and from which both suffered, but which neither could re- 
move alone. 

If the Society were formed wholly of Northern men, the South would 

* First Annual Report. 



20 

not cooperate, but would oppose it as officious interference, and an in- 
fringement of their rights. Besides, if all were Northern men, they 
would be liable to act without a due regard to existing circumstances at 
the South — to the laws of the several States, and the Constitution of the 
Union. They would be likely to excite jealousy and create alienation, 
which would result in a dissolution of the Union. On the other hand, 
if the Society were composed only of Slave-holders, the North would not 
cooperate, but would regard it as a selfish scheme to perpetuate slavery. 
There would be danger of their being governed too much by their own 
interests, of pursuing offensive measures, which would excite the indig- 
nation and interference of the North, and thus promote disunion. 

An union of Northern and Southern men was therefore necessary. 
This would lead to a discussion of the subject in all parts of the coun- 
try — would draw attention to the whole colored race — ex-cite sympathy 
i:i their behalf, and lead to measures for their relief, in which all parties 
could unite. If the colony should succeed, it would be a desirable home 
for those who should go thither. New circumstances and motives might 
develope talents and form characters, which should convince all men.. 
that Africans can be cultivated like other men, — show how slaves may 
be liberated and elevated, and lead slaves to desire and masters to grant 
emancipation. 

All these views might have entered the minds of the founders of the So- 
ciety. There is abundant evidence that some of the founders did believe 
the moral influence of the society would tend to voluntary t mancipation. 
and that the Board of Managers have ever entertained this belief. 

At the first annual meet-.ig, John Randolph, after saying that "The 
measure proposed would prove one of the greatest securities to enable 
the master to keep in possession his own property," added, That " if a 
place could be provided for their reception, and a mode of sending them 
thence, there were hundreds, nay, thousands, ivho would, by manumitting 
their slaves, relieve themselves from the cares attendant on their possess- 
ion" ! Mr. Clay said, "Let the Colony once be successfully planted, 
and legislative bodies who have been grieved at the necessity of passing 
those prohibitory laws,* which at a distance might appear to stain our 
codes, will hasten to remove the impediments to the exercise of benevo- 
lence and humanity." Judge Washington, the president of the Society, 
said at the same meeting : — " The effectof this institution, if its prosper- 
ety shall equal our wishes, will be alike propitious to every interest of 
our domestic society, and should it lead, as we may fairly hope it will, to 
the slow but gradual abolition of slavery, it will wipe from oyr po- 
litical institutions the only blot which stains them, and in the palliation 
of which we. shall not be at liberty to plead the excuse of moral necessity, 
until we have honestly exerted cdl the means which ice possess for its ex- 
tinction.'' General R. G. Harper, one of the Vice Presidents, in a 
letter to the Secretary, says : — " It tends, and may powerfully tend, to 
rid us gradually and entirely, in the United States, of slaves and slavery ; 
■ o-reat moral and political evil, of increasing virulence and extent, from 
which much mischief is now felt, and very great calamity in future is 
justly apprehended. It is in this point of view, I confess, that your scheme 
of Colonization most strongly recommends itself, in my opinion, to 

* Laws forbidding emancipation. 



21 

attention and support" All these sentiments were publicly expressed 
by the leading members of the society, at or before the first annual 
meeting, and published in the first report. After quoting them in the 
third report,* the Managers remark : — " From the preceding extracts 
from the first annual report of the American Colonization Society, the 
public may' decide whether the charge be as true, as it has been gravely 
affirmed, that, ' In the Constitution and proceedings of the American 
Colonization Society, or in the avowed sentiments of its members, there 
can be discerned nothing friendly to the abolition of slavery in the Uni- 
ted States." In the second report,f the Managers say : — " It [the soci- 
ety] has been suggested to be an invention of the southern proprietor to 
rivet the chains of servitude upon the slaves ; as if the circumstances 
which accompanied the origin of the Society, the character of its mem- 
bers, and their solemn and reiterated declarations, did not forbid so un- 
founded an imputation. It would not be more uncandid to ascribe to 
them a design to invade the rights of private property, secured by the 
constitution and laws of the several slave holding states, and proclaim 
universal emancipation." At the ninth annual meeting, the following 
resolution was adopted : — " Resolved, That the Society disclaims, in the 
most unqualified terms, the designs attributed to it, of interfering, on 
the one hand, with the legal rights and obligations of slavery, and on the 
other, of perpetuating its existence within the limits of this country."; 
At the eleventh annual meeting were the following remarks : — " It has 
been said that this society was an invasion of the rights of slave hold- 
ers. Sir, if it is an invasion, it comes not from without. It is ah irrup- 
tion of liberality, and threatens only that freemen ivill overrun our south- 
ern country — that the soil will be fertilized by the sweat of freemen 
alone, and what are now deserts, will flourish and blossom under the in- 
fluence of enterprise and industry. * * * * Yes ! kings might be 
proud of the effects which this Society will have produced. Far more 
glorious than all their conquests would ours be, for it would be the tri- 
umph of freedom over slavery — of liberality over prejudice, and of 
humanity over the vice and wretchedness ivhich ever ivait on ignorance and 
servitude."^ 

At the 14th Annual Meeting, it was said by one who is now a Vice 
President, and pays $100 a year to the Society : — "We admit that in 
this way, that is, through the renovation of Africa, the Colonization So- 
ciety may exert an important influence on the question of Slavery, — an 
influence which may yet compass the abolition of Slavery in our land. 
But, mark you, Sir, it is a way that leads through a change — through the 
willingness of the master's mind, and therefore he cannot object to it. 
Whilst the society protest, that it has no designs on the rights of the 
master in the Slave, or the property in the Slave, which the laws 
guarantee to him ; it does nevertheless admit, and joyfully admit, that 
the successful prosecution of the object of the Society, must produce mor- 
al influences, and moral changes, leading to the voluntary emancipation of 
the Slave, not only in our country but throughout the world."\\ 

In the Appendix to the 14th Report,f is an article copied from the 
African Repository, which the managers say developes "the true prin- 

* See pp 95, 99. 1 P. 9. J Ninth Report. 

J Proceedings at annual meeting, eleventh report, pp 21, 25. 
|j Speech of Gerret Smith. 14 Rep. p 12. 



22 

ciples and character of the Society." After quoting largely from the 
early documents of the Society, the writer remarks : — " From the con- 
stitution of the Society, the recorded opinions and proceedings of its 
Founders, it is obvious, 

" 1. That those who established the Society,looked for aid to the States 
and to the National Government, and that they bound themselves by 
their Constitution to co-operate, if practicable, with these powers in ef- 
fecting their object. 

" 2. That they had no desire or intention of interfering, in any way, 
with the rights or the interests of the proprietors of Slaves. 

" 3. That they considered Slavery a great moral and political evil, and 
cherished the hope and belief, that the successful prosecution of their 
object luould offer potcerf id motives and exert a persuasive influence in fa- 
vor of voluntary emancipation." * * * It is equally plain and 
undeniable, that the Society, in the prosecution of this work, has never 
interfered, or evinced even a disposition to interfere, in any way, with 
the rights of proprietors of Slaves. But it may be said, that the Socie- 
ty has expressed the opinion that Slavery is a moral and political evil, 
and that it has regarded the scheme of Colonization as presenting mo- 
tives, and exerting a moral influence at the South, favorable to gradual 
and voluntary emancipation. This is true, and it is this, beyond all ques- 
tion, which has secured to it the countenance and patronage of our most 
profound and sagacious Statesmen, and given to this scheme a peculiar 
attractiveness and glory in the view of the enlightened friends of their 
country and mankind. 

"And is the Society to be held up as odious and dangerous, because it 
entertains and avows the opinion that Slavery is an evil ? Is not this a 
truth inscribed, as it were, upon the firmament of Heaven, and the face 
of the world, and the heart of men ? Would not the denial of it be a 
denial of the fundamental principle of all Free Government? * * * * 

"The hostility manifested towards the American Colonization Society 
has not been excited, then, by any departure of the Society from the de- 
sign and the principles which it avowed at its origin ; nor yet from any- 
thing in its character or proceedings unfriendly to the rights and inter- 
ests of the Southern States. It is the success of the Society, it is the 
fulfilment of the hopes and predictions of its founders, that has awaken- 
ed the desperate and malignant spirit which now comes forth to arrest 
its progress. Vohtntary emancipation begins to follow in the train of 
Colonization, and the advocates of perpetual Slavery are indignant at 
witnessing in effectual operation a scheme which permits better men 
than themselves to exercise, without restraint, the purest and noblest 
feelings of our nature. These strenuous asserters of the right to judge 
for themselves in regard to their domestic policy, are alarmed at a state 
of things which secures the same right to every individual of their com- 
munity. Do they apprehend that the system which they would perpet- 
uate cannot continue unimpaired, unless the privilege of emancipating 
his Slaves for the purpose of Colonization shall be denied to his master ? 
Do they feel that in this country and this age the influences of truth and 
freedom are becoming too active and powerful, and that all their forces 
must be summoned to the contest with these foes to their purposes and 
their doctrines ? 



23 

" If so, their defeat is inevitable. Such men have more to do than to 
counteract the efforts of our Society. Few and feeble, even in the 
States of the South, they must gird themselves for warfare against all 
the friends of virtue and liberty — of man and God. A true son of Vir- 
ginia has said, "I may be permitted to declare that I would be a Slave 
holder to-day without scruple. But, I hold it due to candor to say, that 
if there be a Statesman in the United States, and I believe there are 
two or three such, who is content that ive shall always hold them in ser- 
vitude, and would advise us to rest contented with them, us and our poster- 
ity, without seeking or uccepting, means of liberating ourselves and them, 
he deserves a heavier vengeance than the orator's bile — the curses of 
America counseled to her ruin, and of outraged Africa. Let me not 
be considered harsh ; for inasmuch as the piratical trader of human be- 
ings, on the African coast, the master of the Slave-ship, is the most de- 
testable of monsters in action, so, I must say, is the advocate by cool ar- 
gument of Slavery in the abstract, odious in thought." 

The following extracts are from an Article on the " Character and in- 
fluence of the Colonization Society," in the African Repository for Sep- 
tember, 1831. 

" Let us consider the moral influence of the Society on the system of slavery. 
Here it seems proper to remark, that the Society has no influence upon slavery, 
excepting a moral influence. It embraces in its provisions only the free. It does 
not interfere, — it desires not to interfere, in any way, with the rights or the inter- 
ests of the proprietors of slaves. * * * * But although slavery is untouched by 
any direct operations of the Society, its moral influence is working safely, exten- 
sively, and effectually, in favor of voluntary emancipation. The Society arose, and 
has been sustained, by a spirit of benevolence to the unfortunate, and by confer- 
ring blessings in the legitimate sphere of its operations; it sets an example, which 
many a noble minded master of slaves has rejoiced to imitate. It shows how 
emancipation may be effected with benefit to the slave, and without detriment to 
the public welfare. It offers the most powerful motives to the humanity and reli- 
gion of the master, and takes away all excuse for perpetuating slavery on the ground 
of political necessity. It shows how the evil may be removed, and thus silently 
invites individuals and States to adopt measures for this end, &c."* 

In the Appendix to the 15th Annual Report, are the following re- 
marks copied from Mr. Carey's letters : — " Among the most promising 
and encouraging circumstances attending the career of the Society, are 
the numerous manumissons that have taken place in almost all the slave 
States, with the express condition of the freed men being sent to Libe- 
ria. These manumissions have occurred on a scale that the most san- 
guine friends of the scheme could not have anticipated. Entire families 
have been blessed with their freedom, from the most pure motives, a con- 
viction of the injustice and immorality of slavery — and in many cases, 
ample provision has been made for the expense of their passage, and in 
some, for their support in Liberia." After giving the names of several 
persons who have liberated or offered to liberate slaves to the number 
of some hundreds, the writer remarks : — " It holds out every encourage- 
ment to the Colonization Society, that the application for the transporta- 
tion of free negroes and slaves, on condition of removal to Liberia, far 
exceed its means. There are in North Carolina, and the adjacent states, 
from three to four thousands of both descriptions ready to embark, were 
the Society in a situation to send them away."f 

*pp200, 201. f 15 Report p. 42. 



24 

In a letter* dated Nov. 17, 1832, the Secretary of the Society says : 
"We fear not, then, to try the question of the influence of the Coloniza- 
tion Society upon the system of slavery, and we feel prepared to maintain 
that it tends, more than all other means and measure existing or possible, to 
produce, in the best manner, the abolition of slavery." In support of this 
opinion, he illustrates the following positions : 

1st. "That the nature of the influence exerted by the Society, on 
the system of slavery, is solely a moral influence. It brings together 
therefore and unites, on common and unobjectionable grounds, in promo- 
ting this influence, the humane, patriotic and pious of every State and 
section of the Union. 

2nd. " By inviting the attention and reflections of the people of the 
South, to the subject of the whole colored population." 

3rd. " Demonstrates by actual experiment, hoiv emancipation may be ef- 
fected tvithout detriment to the public, and with immense benefit to the 
slaves.'''' 

4th. " By elevating the character of men of color in Liberia, the So- 
ciety tends to produce feelings of sympathy and respect for the colored 
race throughout our country, and the world." 

* *.* "Is a fact most pertinent to the object of this letter, and worth 
a thousand arguments, that while Mr. Garrison is representing the Colo- 
nization Society as hostile to abolition and tending to strengthen and 
perpetuate the system of slavery, nearly every friend of perpetual slave- 
ry at the South is an enemy to the Society ; and the only opposition 
that I am aware of at the South, arises from the conviction among the 
enemies of any and all abolition, that the tendency of the Society is to 
promote the voluntary abolition of slavery. Are the enemies of the So- 
ciety at the South in circumstances less favorable than Mr. Garrison, for 
the formation of a correct judgement on this subject?" 

At the last Annual Meeting, R. S. Finley, Esq. who has traveled as 
an agent in all the slave states, made the following remarks : — "It will 
be borne in mind, that a prominent object of this institution is to afford 
the means for a safe, gradual, and voluntary abolition of slavery. And 
it is this view of the subject that constitutes its chief glory in the eye 
of its slave holding friends. * * * * I have publicly discussed this 
subject every where in the Southern states, from the Eastern shore of 
Maryland to the Gulf of Mexico, in the presence of hundreds of slaves 
at a time, and with the general approbation of the audience to which my 
addresses were delivered — and have uniformly represented it as affording 
the best, and only safe means of gradually and entirely abolishing slave- 
ry. Indeed, so well is the moral influence of the operations of this So- 
ciety understood in the extreme South, that all the advocates of perpet- 
ual slavery are bitterly opposed to it, and none in that region are its ad- 
vocates, but the friends of gradual, peaceful, and ultimate, entire emanci- 
pation. In fine, this Society is drawing the line in a distinct manner, 
between these two clases of people at the South. The friends of hu- 
man liberty are enlisting uridei the banner of Colonization, and the ad- 
vocates of perpetual despotism are arranging themselves under the ban- 
ner of its adversaries."! At the same meeting G. W. P. Curtis, Esq. 
said : — " Some alarmists tell us the slave population is to be freed. And 
* Letter of Mr. Gurley, published in N. Y. Spectator and other papers. | 16 Re P> 



25 

sir, does any one regret that the hope is held out, that, with our own 
consent, we shall one day see an end of slavery ? Should this Society 
be, as I doubt not it will, the happy means of producing this result, it 
will be renowned as having done one of the greatest and best deeds that 
have blessed the world." 

Rev. William J. Armstrong, of Richmond Virginia, under date of Aug. 
14, 1832, writes : " It is a fact that just in proportion as the Colonization 
Society has become popular in any part of this country, just in that pro- 
portion the subject of emancipation has been discussed and become popu- 
lar. And hundreds of masters in all this region are looking now with 
anxious eyes to the growth of the colony and the prosperity of the So- 
ciety, as opening a door for them to bestow freedom on their slaves. Mul- 
titudes of the young men, too, who will inherit many of these people, are 
patronising this Society, in the hope that it will enable them to emanci- 
pate compatibly with the good of the slaves and the community. Under 
present circumstances, emancipation with a view of remaing here, is not 
in most cases a benefit to the slaves. It is not so regarded by a mpjori- 
ty of the more intelligent slaves. Multitudes of them would be very unwil- 
ling, (if they may be credited in what they say,) to exchange conditions 
with the free colored people. I wonder Mr. G. and his friends at the 
North are not a little startled to find themselves in their opposition to the 
Society, co-operating with the class of persons at the South, who are the 
advocates for the perpetual existence of slavery, either upon the ground 
that it is really no evil, but rather a benefit ; or, though an evil, yet is one 
that cannot possibly be removed, and must therefore be managed in the 
best way "practicable. All the opposers to the Society here, so far as I am 
acquainted, belong to this class. All who hope for, or aim at the ultimate 
removal of this evil, on the ground of policy, or justice, or benevolence, 
are unanimous in patronizing the Colonization Society. * * * I see 
Mr. Clay is often quoted by Mr. Garrison, for sentiments condemnatory 
of the Society. Are you aware that Mr. Clay is, and always has been 
an Abolitionist? When the constitution of Kentucky was formed, he 
made great efforts, and came very near succeding, to exclude slavery 
from that State. It is a little remarkable that in the movements noAv 
taking place in Kentucky, which must tend before long to the abolition of 
slavery there, the children of the two men who were Mr. Clay's success- 
ful opposers, in the formation of the Constitution of the State, Brecken- 
ridge and Nicholas, are the leading persons. They are ardent friends of 
Colonization, and most of them have emancipated their slaves, or stand 
pledged to do it as soon as they can be removed. Throughout Virginia, 
and, I presume North Carolina, and the States West of them, a large 
majority of the Slave holders look forward to the ultimate entire removal 
of Slavery, as a result that must come, and is greatly to be desired, pro- 
vided it can be brought about without violent convulsions to deluge the 
land in blood. Many are forming their plans, and educating their chil- 
dren with a view to this result ; and the number of such is increasing." 

In reply to the question, Does the success of the Colonization Society 
tend to rivet the chains of the Slaves ? Dr. Palmer, of Charleston, S. C. 
writes : " Fur — v try far otherwise. It is universally, both by friends and 
foes, considered as operating directly the other way. Hence its foes hate it 
mortally, and its fiends are too timid to attempt its vindication". In re- 



26 

ply to the inquiry, can it be truly proved to have the contrary effect ? his 
answer is yes, easily and abundantly." 

Gerrit Smith, a distinguished friend both of Colonization and emancipa- 
tion, writes : " The recent demonstrations in Virginia and Maryland, of 
patriotic and christian interest in our colored population are commonly 
ascribed to the Southampton insurrection. * * * But in my judgment, 
Virginia and Maryland are vastly more indebted, for the steps they have 
taken in the cause of freedom, to the moral influence of the American Col- 
onization Society than to all other causes. And may not most of those who 
now rail at the Colonization Society, be likewise indebted to those same 
influences for their fresh and augmented interest in the welfare of the 
black-man ? The tenacious slave holder at the South, lays all the blame 
of these things at the door of the Colonization Society ; and this too, 
notwithstanding the abolitionists, charge the Society with playing design- 
edly into the hands of such slave holders. And if such be the power of 
these moral influences now, when Liberia has a population of but 3000. 
what will it be when 50,000 of our blacks shall be gathered into that 
Asylum ? Will it not be so great then as to loosen the bonds of our 
millions of slaves and set them free ?" 

A letter from a gentleman in St. Louis Missouri, says, that "the Col- 
onization Society is popular among all classes," and that " a great change 
has taken place within ten years in the State on the subject of slavery." 
" Persons in the State, now hold themselves ready to emancipate, when- 
ever their slaves can be removed to Africa, whilst to remain in this coun- 
try they would not think of it." 

The Hon. Willard Hall, of Wilmington Delaware, writes: "I know 
of no advocates of perpetual slavery amongst the members or friends of 
the Colonization Society. I am opposed to slavery utterly. I never 
held but two persons that could be called slaves: each of these was en- 
titled to freedom at the age of 21 years. It is new many years since I 
held either of them. I consider slavery a bane. I believe the Coloni- 
zation Society does promise more for the abolition of slavery than every 
other means hitherto tried." " Emancipation is going on fast in this 
State. We have no insurrections nor causes."* 

The preceding extracts together with the history and operations of the 
Colonization Society, establish the following positions. 

1. That most of the leading founders of the Society, expected its mor- 
al influence would tend to the voluntary emancipation of slaves. 

2. That some slave holders among its founders who held a different 
opinion, have since abandoned the Society, on the ground that it does 
tend to emancipation. 

3. That the Board of Managers have believed and do still believe that 
this is its tendency. 

4. That more than 700 Slaves have been emancipated and removed in 
consequence of the influence of the Society, and that great numbers are 
now anxious to emancipate their slaves, for removal to Liberia, who are 
prevented by law from emancipating them to remain here, and who be- 
lieve that, under existing circumstances, freedom in this country would 
not benefit their slaves. 

* For several of the extracts above quoted, the author is indebted to the gentlemen to whom 
the letters were addressed and who have kindly permitted him to use them in this place. 



27 

5. That those who would perpetuate slaveryv-the enemies of eman- 
cipation at the South, oppose the Colonization Society when they un- 
derstand its tendency. 

6. That those who are friends to peaceful emancipation are clustering 
around it. 

7. That in those slave states where the Colonization Society first be- 
came popular, the people are most nearly prepared for legislative enact- 
ments in favor of emancipation. 

8. That in these states the discussions and measures which have 
drawn public sentiment so far in the right direction, have been led on by 
the friends of Colonization, and in immediate connexion with Coloniza- 
tion efforts. 

9. That the publications of the Society, and the success of the Colo- 
ny have done much to awaken discussion at the South, and turn public 
sentiment in favor of emaflcipatyon. 

In advocating the Colonization system, it is by no means necessary to 
approve every thing that has been done, or every argument and motive 
which has been used by its friends. Before giving reasons for support- 
ing the Society, I am disposed to concede some things for the sake of be- 
ing better understood. 

1. I do not approve of the traffic in ardent spirits, which some of the 
Colonists have carried on with the natives. This traffic ought to cease 
all over the world, and the best measures should be adopted to secure this 
result. The Managers of the Colonization Society* evidently entertain 
this opinion in relation to Liberia. The Secretary, in a letter to Roberts 
Vaux, Esq. dated June 26, 1832, says, "To prohibit absolutely the in- 
troduction of ardent spirits into the Colony, is believed to be impossible. 
This article is subject, however, to a heavy duty, and the expense of a 
license-)- to retail it is such as to amount to a prohibition. Tracts on the 
subject of Temperance have been sent to the Colony, and the best moral 
means adopted to encourage the settlers watchfully and diligently to cul- 
tivate this all-important virtue." 

2. J do not suppose the Society ivill remove the whole colored population 
from this country. Probably many of this class will prefer remaining 
here, and if all desired to go to Africa, " the managers have ever con- 
sidered the national or State governments as alone adequate to their re- 
moval." It was this view which led them in forming the Constitution to 
declare that, " the Society shall act in co-operation with the General gov- 
ernment, or such of the States as may adopt regulations on the subject." 

3. / do not suppose the Society alone, will liberate all the slaves in this 
country. This is not its business. Its only influence on slavery, is a 
moral influence. To turn aside from its proper sphere to direct efforts 
for the abolition of slavery, would be a violation of its Constitution and 
an unwarrantable perversion of its funds. 

4. I do not approve of all the arguments and motives which have been 
urged by the advocates of the system. Sentiments which I cannot 
adopt, are to be found in each of the publications named at the head of 
this article. Some individuals have denied the right of the colored race 
to a home in this country. Some have said that slaves ought not to be 
liberated unless they are removed from the country. I have no faith in 

*See Af. Repos., June 1832, p. 128. f The expense of a license is said to be $300. 



28 

these doctrines. Slaves ought to be liberated as soon as they can be 
with benefit to themselves, and free men of color have a right to remain 
here if they choose. Some have doubtless spoken too strong in describ- 
ing the wretched condition of the colored race, and too despairingly in re- 
lation to their elevation in this country. Probably a description of the 
free colored people as they are found in the slave States, would not ap- 
ply to the same class in New England. 

5. Some may have patronized the Society from wrong motives ; from 
a prejudice against color, and a consequent desire for its removal; from a 
sense of danger — fear of insurrection — and some at the South may have 
given money for this object with the hope of thereby rendering slaves and 
slavery more secure. It is certain that some who once favored the Soci- 
ety, now oppose it, on the ground that it tends to emancipation. 

6. It is possible that the Board of Managers, or individual members of 
it, may have said injudicious things, or .^may *have committed mistakes. 
They are men and liable to err in thought, word, or deed, like other men, 
and their sphere of labor has been one of peculiar delicacy and trial. If 
they have departed in the least from the Constitution and the established 
principles of the Society, or in the management of its affairs have com- 
mitted any error, I do not, in defending the Society, approve such depar- 
ture, or justify their errors. Having said this, it is proper to express the 
full conviction, growing out of a tolerably thorough examination of the 
subject, that whoever acquaints himself with the operations of the Soci- 
ety, and the difficulties Avith which the Managers have had to contend, 
will be astonished at finding so little in their management to censure. 
But if there had been mismanagement even to a great extent, and this 
were clearly proved, it would be as unreasonable to abandon the Society 
for this reason, as it would be to abandon Christianity because it has 
sometimes been perverted, or has had bad advocates. On the contrary, 
it would of itself be a sufficient reason why good men should rally around 
it. The Society is a powerful engine; and if there is the least danger 
of its perversion, the friends of humanity should at once lay hold of it, 
and give it a right direction. As a citizen of New England, I feel bound 
to aid the American Colonization Society, and for the following reasons : 

1. It benefits the free people of color who accept its offers and re- 
move to Liberia. This no one will doubt who believes the testimony of 
the Colonists themselves, of their agents and instructers, of intelligent 
men of color, who have visited the colony with a view to emigration, or 
of distinguished naval officers from this country, Great Britain, and 
France, who have examined the state of the Colony. 

2. If the Society is sustained and accomplishes its object, it will con- 
fer great blessings on Africa. 

It will aid in suppressing the slave trade. Sierra Leone, with all its 
embarrassments, has done much in this way. The colony at Liberia oc- 
cupies a territory which was once the seat of the traffic. A merchant 
from that place stated a few months since, that previous to the com- 
mencement of the colony, 4000 or 5000 slaves were annually carried out 
of the harbor of Monrovia. "Before the establishment of the settlements 
at Liberia, there were several slave factories within a few miles of Mon- 
rovia, all of which have been completely broken up."* " Nothing has 
*M. Carey's Letter. 



29 

tended more to suppress the slave trade in this quarter, than the constant 
intercourse and communication of the natives with these industrious 
colonists. The American Agent, Mr. Ashmun, took every opportunity 
and means in his power to extinguish a traffic so injurious in every way 
to the fair trader." " Wherever the influence of this Colony extends, 
the slave trade has been abandoned by the natives, and the peaceful pur- 
suits of legitimate commerce established in its place."* Armed vessels 
have frequently cruised upon the coast since the commencement of the 
Colony, and have received essential aid from it, in detecting and punish- 
ing slave traders. A large number of slave ships have been captured, 
and the slaves liberated and placed in comfortable circumstances near 
the Colony or at Sierra Leone, or returned to their native homes. By 
supplying the native tribes in the vicinity with such articles of European, 
West Indian, or American productions as they need, the Colonists aid in 
withdrawing them from the slave trade. Several tribes have already 
place dthemselves under the protection of the Colony, to shield themselves 
from the ravages of these who would kidnap and sell them ; and others 
offer to do so. King Boatswain, the commander of the most powerful 
tribe, which has had intercourse with the Colony,, has repeatedly said, 
" When you will supply my tribe with necessary articles in exchange for 
our productions, we will sell no more slaves." Let the coast be lined 
with such colonies, and they will effectually guard the interior. There 
would be a "living barrier" which the slave dealers could not penetrate. 
Let them become sufficiently numerous to supply the wants of the na- 
tive tribes, and this will stop the traffic in flesh and blood. Or let the 
native tribes become civilized and Christianized, and they will no longer 
sell e%uh other, nor will civilized men enslave them, or permit them to be 
enslaved. Let Africa be elevated and take rank among civilized nations, 
and Americans would no sooner buy or sell Africans than they would 
Frenchmen and Englishmen. 

"By the same process by which the colonization of the coast tends to 
the suppression of the slave trade, it promotes the civilization of the in- 
terior of Africa." " I know it is said that it is impossible to civilize Af- 
rica. Why? Why is it impossible to civilize man in one part of the 
earth more than another ? Consult history. Was Italy — was Greece 
the cradle of civilization ? No. As far back as the lights of tradition 
reach, Africa was the cradle of Science, while Syria, and Greece, and It- 
aly were yet covered with darkness ."f " The destruction of the Cartha- 
genian annals by the Romans, renders it impossible to enumerate any of 
her great men, except her warriors. Rome never produced a greater 
General than Hannibal. Some of his relations were men of great talents 
in the same department. Jugurtha was superior to most of the Romans 
who were sent against him. Terence, the dramatist, was an African. 
Christianity and civilization were early introduced into Africa. There 
were several provincial councils held there. ***** Origen, Ter- 
tulian, Cyprian, and Augustine, among the great lights of Christianity 
in their day, were Africans." J 

That Africans are capable of elevation when surrounded by proper 
motives, there is no good reason to doubt. The obstacles to their eleva- 

* Essay on the state of the slave trade on the African mast in the [British] Amulet for i -' 
t E. Everert. J M. Carey. 



30 

tion in this country, explain their present condition, and furnish no proof 
that they are incapable of cultivation. The want of education — proper- 
ty — of character — of good, society, and indeed, of all the motives which 
elevate other men, and render life desirable, explains the facts which 
speak out from our poor houses and prisons,* without supposing- colored 
people more prone to ignorance, indolence and crime, than the whites 
would be under similar embarrassments. The short experiment at Libe- 
ria, shows that they can feel the power of motives and rise in character 
and condition to any desirable extent, and it is not easy to conceive of 
a more successful method to teach the native Africans civilization and 
Christianity, than by means of civilized and Christian Colonies, planted by 
men of their own color — by the descendants of those who were once stolen 
from among them. 

Whether colonies will exert a good influence on Africa, will of course 
depend upon their character. If the means of intellectual and moral el- 
evation are not furnished, or are perverted or neglected, and the Colonists 
become corrupt, they cannot exert a good influence upon the native 
tribes, but on the contrary, will present serious obstacles to their im- 
provement. But if necessary means "shall be furnished, and be properly 
applied : if schools and churches shall arise, and the school master and 
the missionary of the cross be " abroad," and all the institutions of free 
government shall be in successful operation, and the native tribes shall 
witness these advantages, they will desire to enjoy them. They will 
plead with increasing earnestness for these institutions and strive with new 
zeal to imitate the manners of those whose protection they already seek. 
The cry, " Come over and help us" which has commenced on the coast, 
will wax louder and louder. It will extend into the interior and wilf echo 

(i From many an ancient river — 
'•' From many a palmy plain," 

till it shall disturb the death-like slumber — the cruel apathy and indiffer- 
ence which has so long existed in relation to the wrongs of Africa, and 
rouse all Christendom for her relief. The cry of Africa will be heard. 
It has already entered the ears of the Lord of Sabbaoth, and those who 
bear the Saviour's image, and regard his parting command, will soon be 
moved by it. It will be seen and felt that Africa has one claim upon the 
American missionary, which no other heathen land can plead with so 
much propriety. It is that of eternal justice. It will also be seen that 
Liberia presents a noble opportunity for meeting this claim. It opens a 
channel of intercourse, through which science and religion may flow in- 
to the heart cf that continent. It is an opening in her dark forests 
through which the star of Bethlehem gleams, and the beams of the sun 
of Righteousness can penetrate and diffuse life, and happiness, and hope, 
among a hundred millions. 

* In Mass. in 1826, nearly l-6th part of the convicts were colored, while only l-74th part 

of the whole population was of this description. 

In Conn. l-34th part of the population was colored, and 1-3 of the convicts. In Vermont, the 
whole colored population was 918, from whom 24 were furnished for the penitentiary. In New 
York, l-34th part of the population were colored, and about l-4lh of the convicts. In New Jersey. 
l-13th part of the population were colored, l-3d of the convicts. In Pennsylvania, l-34th part of 
the population were colored, and 1 -3d of the convicts. 

Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New York, paid for the support of their colored convicts in 
ten years previous to 182P, $164,066, while the colored population of these States was less than 
$54,000 — Prison Discipline Report, 1828. 



31 

3. The success of the Society and colony, will benefit the free people 
of color who remain in this country. It is in vain to urge against this 
position, that some of the colored people in the New England, or other 
free States, are opposed to it. Their opposition is easily explained. 
They have been told to " Abandon all thoughts of colonizing yourselves as 
a people, in Africa, Hayti, Upper Canada, or elsewhere. Every intelli- 
gent man of color, whom the Colonization Society induces to go to Libe- 
ria, ought to be considered as a traitor to your cause." 

" The supporters of the African scheme do not hesitate to avow that the 
ivhole colored population must be removed to Liberia. But how do they 
expect to accomplish this design ? By putting on knapsacks and point- 
ing bayonets at your breasts? No, — but by adopting another plan 
which is about as cruel and effectual. By removing some of your 
number every year, they persuade the people that your entire rsmoval 
will not be difficult. The people cherishing this opinion, yet perceiving 
how reluctantly you go, resolve to starve you out. They are determined 
to give you as little instruction and employment as possible, in order to 
render your situation so uncomfortable as to compel you to remove. As 
long, therefore, as a considerable portion of your number consent to be 
removed, no matter where, the same disastrous effects will follow. Those 
who remain (of course the great body,) will obtain little or no employ- 
ment, and receive little or no education ; consequently, they will always 
be miserable and degraded. Now, it is time to stop ;. it is time to re- 
solve on death sooner than transportation."* Such was the advice given 
to the free people of color, in several cities, by one who makes great 
professions of regard for their welfare, and great promises in relation to 
their " College" and their future privileges in this country. The same 
sentiments have been industriously circulated among those who can 
read. They have been told that, " Colonizationists, too, generally 
agree in discouraging your instruction and elevation at home. They 
pretend that ignorance is bliss ; therefore, 'tis folly to be wise. They 
pretend that knowledge is a dangerous thing in the head of a col- 
ored man • they pretend that you ha.e no ambition: they pretend that 
you have no brains : in fine, they pretend a thousand other absurd things 
— they are a combination of pretences."-)-. Without stopping to enquire 
whether these statements are more destitute of truth or of common sense, 
it is obvious that there is nothing mysterious in the opposition of some of 
the colored people. If they believe such statements as are circulated 
among them in the Liberator, as well as in the address referred to, 
they must of necessity suppose Colonizationists a very wicked set of peo- 

* Address delivered before the free people of color in New York, Philadelphia, and other cit- 
ies, June, 1831. By Wm. Lloyd Garrison. 

f Address, p. 20. Much surprise has been expressed at the excitement in New Haven relative 
to the proposition for establishing an African College in thai city. It should be remembered that 
this Address had been recently delivered there,, and produced a great e.\( item< nt anions the col- 
ored people. It is not strange that the people object to a College which should place the colored 
people under such instructions, and such an influence. The late excitement in Canterbury, Ct. 
«eems to have been produced by an attempt to establish a female school for colored persons, 
againstthe mshts of the- people. 'J he teacher was informed by the civil authority and select men^ 
"that the citizens of Canterbury were opposed to this school, which was to be under the patron- 
age of Arnold Butfum — his extravagant views were to be taught in that school." * * * "The 

Liberator was to be the mouth-piece of the school, and Miss [the teacher] had declared 

that Colonizing the people of color, was a system of fraud, from beginning to end-" To carry the 
School into effect, it seems : >r. Buffum, and cither gentlemen from abroad, undertook to inter- 
fere with the deliberations of the town meeting in Canterbury. [!~ee account of the proceeding* 
is given by the civil authority and select men. — Norwich Courier, March 27. 



32 

pie, who are anxious to ' turn them oft' to die like old horses.' But what 
is the .effect of the Society and the Colony upon the free colored peo- 
ple in this country ? The Society by its agents and publications, has 
described the condition of the colored people, and urged their suffer- 
ings, and degradation, and exposure to temptation and crime, as rea- 
sons for doing something for their welfare. If they have in any instance 
described their condition as worse than it is, they have in such instance 
done wrong. The effect of this course, however, has been to arouse 
the colored people to a sense of their condition and to efforts for improve- 
ment. The Society has done much to call the attention of the communi- 
ty to the condition of the colored race — awaken sympathy in their behalf 
and call forth efforts for their improvement here, or their emigration to 
Libsriaand elevation there. The friends of Colonization must desire the 
education of the colored people in order to their being qualified for citi- 
zens of Liberia. If they become intelligent, virtuous, and free from 
prejudice, they will not be so easily duped by those who would prevent 
their emigration, and they will make better citizens whether they reside 
in this country or in Africa. This view seems to be taken by friends of 
Colonization in slave States, as well as in New England. The last re- 
port of the Synod of Virginia,* says : "The Colonization Society shares 
largely in the sympathies and benevolent efforts of this portion of the 
church; Contributions to this enterprise are increasing ; and many who 
are watching in hope the brightening prospects of the Christian colony 
planted on the shores of Africa, are also directing their attention to the 
long neglected duty of ■instructing those of the colored race, who are with- 
in the sphere of their immediate influence. As a church, we have reason 
to thank God that some of our number are awake to the vast importance 
of this subject. The conviction is impressed on their hearts, we trust, 
by the Spirit of truth, that new efforts must he made to give regularly, 
sound religious instructions, to the colored people within our bounds." 
These two objects seem to go hand in hand. 

The success of the Colony increases the interest awakened by the degra- 
ded condition of the colored people in this country. It demonstrates the 
absurdity of an opinion which has extensively prevailed, that the blacks 
are incapable of being elevated. It proves that they are men, capable 
of feeling the motives which elevate other men. Their language is : 
" Forming a community of our own. in the land of our forefathers ; 
having the commerce, and soil and resources of the country at our dis- 
posal, we know nothing of that debasing inferiority with which our very 
color stamped us in America. There is notning here to create the feel- 
ing on our part — nothing to cherish the feeling of superiority in the 
minds of foreigners who visit us. It is this moral emancipation — this lib- 
eration of the mind from worse than iron fetters — that repays us ten 
thousand times over, for all it has cost us, and makes us grateful to God 
and our American patrons for the happy change which has taken place in 
our situation."! 

The prosperity of the Colonists as it becomes known to the colored 

Le in America will remove their discouragement, elevate their hopes, 

and rouse them to efforts, either that they may join their brethren in Af- 

* Western Luminary, Dec. 12, 1839. The Pynod has more than 9000 communicants. 
j Address oflhe Colonists. 



33 

rica, or rival their condition in this country. As colored men rise in 
condition and character, become intelligent and virtuous, either here or 
in Africa, the prejudices of the whites will soften, and give place to feel- 
ings of sympathy and respect. When the colored people in this coun- 
try shall manifest a strong desire for improvement, and endeavor by prop- 
er measures to help themselves, the whites will be more ready to assist 
them. If a portion of the laboring blacks remove to Africa, there will be 
more employment for those who remain. It is absurd to say that, if " a 
portion of the colored people consent to be removed, those who remain 
will obtain little or no employment," as it would be to say, that if labor- 
ers from Vermont emigrate to Ohio, " those who remain will obtain little 
or no employment, and receive little or no education ; consequently 
they will always be miserable and degraded." Let the colored people 
cease to be jealous of the whites and be industrious, enterprising, faithful 
laborers, and employment and means of education will not be wanting, 
so long as there are friends of African Colonization who can furnish 
them. The great number of free blacks who are without employment in 
some of the slave states increases their temptations to crime, and their 
consequent punishment, and the jealousy of the whites, and the laws 
which seem to us oppressive. Let a considerable portion of these be 
removed and placed in circumstances of comfort ; and the sufferings and 
temptations and crimes of the remainder would be diminished, the jeal- 
ousy of the whites would cease, those laws would be repealed, and ne- 
cessary provision be made for the welfare of the blacks. 

4. The influence of the Colonization Society lessens the danger of 
insurrection. 

This danger arises mainly from two causes ; the sufferings of the 
slaves, and the sufferings of the free blacks. The love of freedom is 
inseparable from the human soul. Slaves must desire freedom, and be 
willing to make great sacrifices to obtain it, especially if excited by cruel 
treatment, or by seditionary instructions and a prospect of success. La- 
bor to them is odious, because it is constrained, and is performed for 
others. Perhaps the strongest idea they attach to freedom is, liberty to 
be idle and do as they please. This idea is easily obtained. They see 
that white men do not work, but go and come at will, and live or revel 
upon the labor of others. This is a palpable definition of freedom to 
the untaught slave. He sees also that those of his own color who are 
free are generally idle, and indulge in their favorite amusements and 
vices. He believes himself entitled to the same rights, and there is a 
constant temptation to secure them by violence. The desire of freedom 
is ready to burst out on any emergency, and where there is unkindness 
and severity in their treatment, the spirit of revenge must be deeply 
rooted and rankling in their hearts. Thus there will be constant danger 
of insurrection. 

This danger is greatly increased by the condition and influence of the 
free blacks. These are either slaves liberated, or their descendents. 
A large portion of them in the slave states are poor and wretched, either 
because they will not labor, or cannot find employment. They must 
have a subsistence in some way ; if not by honest industry, it must be by 
stealth. They have been so much accustomed to consider the whites as 
their oppressors, and their sense of right and wrong is so much perverted 
c 



34 

or obscured by their circumstances, that, to steal from the whites, does 
not seem to them a great sin ; and it is not strange that this crime should 
frequently be detected among free blacks. 

Then there is a strong temptation to exert a bad influence over the 
slaves — to entice them into scenes of dissipation where this is possible 
— draw from them property committed to their care — promote a spirit of 
discontent and insubordination, — circulate among them inflammatory sen- 
timents orally, and seditionary writings among such as can read. This 
occasions severe laws for the government both of free blacks and slaves. 
Free blacks become objects of suspicion and dread, laws are passed 
compelling them to leav« the state, or give security for their good be- 
havior. Slaves are prohibited from learning to read, lest they should be 
furnished with such writings as will promote insurrection. They are 
prevented from holding meetings for improvement or social intercourse, 
lest they should plot the destruction of their masters. They are care- 
fully watched or guarded by night, lest they should rally for the midnight 
attack. In proportion to their insubordination will be the severity of 
their treatment. This severity and insubordination mutually increase 
each other, and the whole -process tends directly to insurrection. The 
Colonization Cause "will do much to check this tendency. By the same 
process that it benefits the free colored people in this country, or pro- 
vides for them an asylum in Africa and makes it easy of access, it les- 
sens their sufferings, inspires them with hope, stimulates them to exer- 
tion, mitigates the rigor of their treatment, and diminishes their tempta- 
tions to mischief, and the danger of insurrection. Let the slaves under- 
stand that a process is going on which is designed for their benefit by 
removing their temptations, securing their better treatment, such as will 
enable their masters to give them freedom and place them in circum- 
stances of comfort, it will do much to quell the spirit of revenge, and 
prevent the shedding of blood. 

5. The successful operations of the Society will benefit the slaves 
and open the way for their emancipation and elevation. Whatever tends 
to lessen the danger of insurrection, will secure kinder treatment tc 
the slaves. Remove this danger, and thousands of masters coud not re. 
sist the conviction that it is their duty to give their slaves instruction 
Laws forbidding their instruction would be repealed. We have already 
seen that the moral influence of the society tends to the voluntary eman- 
cipation of slaves. "It will remove the difficulties which have hithertc 
deterred hundreds of humane masters from emancipation, and increase 
manifold the motives of the slaves to seek, and the masters to grant, 
emancipation." As the colony prospers, her commerce will extend, hei 
vessels will be seen in our ports ond her enterprising merchants be seen 
and respected in our cities ; and the master who holds their brethren in 
bondage will shrink from the presence of such men. Let civilization 
extend into Africa and elevate her population, and the consciences oi 
Americans would as readily admit of holding Europeans in slavery as 
Africans. 

" When Africa shall have put on the garments of civilization, and the 
influences of her regeneration shall be felt throughout this land, oui 
most tenacious and obstinate slave-holder will shrink from the relation he 
bears to her children. The poor creatures whom he formerly regarded 



as but a few removes above the brute, will now present himself before 
the new associations of his master's mind as his fellow-man and his equal 
— and the slave will be permitted to go free."* Multitudes of masters, 
as they watch the progress of the colony, will become fully convinced 
that slaves can be liberated with benefit to themselves, and without in- 
jury to others, and they will pursue a course of discipline which will fit 
them for self government and support. By the moral influences which 
the Colonization Society has set in motion, and will yet draw in its train, 
there is much reason to hope that changes in public sentiment will take 
place and benevolent efforts move onward, till every slave is free and in 
circumstances where freedom can be enjoyed. 

6. The successful operation of the society will exert a powerful in- 
fluence in softening the asperity of feeling between the North and the 
South — removing the alienation, and strengthening the union of the 
states. Slavery has been a fruitful source of discord and jealousy. 
Existing only in a portion of the states, it is still the occasion of mutual 
recrimination. The citizens of the free states, holding slavery in abhor- 
rence and believing it their duty to use all lawful means for its extinction, 
are liable to talk and act unwisely in relation to it, and the citizens of 
the slave states are naturally prone to be suspicious of every allusion to 
slavery, and every measure adopted in the free states for its removal. 
Here is the secret of the strange and varied opposition to the Coloniza- 
tion Society in its early efforts. The society has done much to diminish 
the jealousy among its members scattered through all the states.f 

The slave holder who desires to emancipate can do so in a way con- 
sistent with the laws of the states, the rights and interests of his fellow 
citizens, and the best good of his slaves, and no objection can reasonably be 
made to it. The slave holder who is not disposed to follow his example 
has no reason to object. The Society seeks not to interfere with any 
rights or interests secured to him by law, and if he chooses not to patron- 
ise he has no right to oppose it. 

The friends of humanity, the prudent and pious of all sects, sections, 
and parties, can unite, and act in harmony, for the benefit of the free 
blacks, on the simple provision of its constitution. Here is common ground 
on which all can meet and interchange their various views in relation to 
slavery and kindred interests ; and who does not see that such facilities 

* Speech of Gerrit Smith, 14 An. Report, p. 11. 
f Pome solicitude has doubtless been felt in relation to discussions, and different views and exci- 
ted feelings, at the adjourned meetings of the Society in Washington the last winter, and certain 
Editors have seemed to take a particular pleasure in dwelling upon those discussions, and mag- 
nifying the differences, as if the Society were near to dissolution, and they were in haste to re- 
joice over its ruins. By comparing the reports of several correspondents of northern papers, it 
would seem that the excitement was occasioned, partly by misunderstanding the objects to be 
gained by proposed alterations, and partly by the management of designing individuals. Some 
changes had been made in the Board of Managers, and some alterations were proposed in the 
constitution. Before the proposed alterations could be acted upon, it appears that certain persons 
particularly interested, took occasion to sound an alarm in the ears of southern members, by rep- 
resenting that those who had proposed the alterations had "become abolitionists." By this it 
was understood, not merely that they abhorred slavery and desired that all proper measnres 
should betaken for its peaceful and safe removal, for this had been an established and well known 
fact for years ; but it was rumored that they had adopted, in substance, those views of Abolition 
which in New England constitute what is properly termed Oarrisonism, and that these alterations 
were designed to pave the way for letting in upon the southern states the spirit and measures of 
this northern Abolitionism. No wonder that this rumor occasioned excitement, jealousy and mis- 
understanding, and made it necessary to pass a resolution, that there was no design of departing 
from the objects of the Societv, as defined in the second article of the constitution. This excite- 
ment will doubtless lead to an interchange of views, which will promote harmony of feeling and 
action among the friends of humanity in all parts of the country, unless those who have an object 
to gain shall succeed in throwing iu fire-brands, to do the work of Sampson's " young foxes." 



36 

afford the fairest opportunity for devising plans, in tvhich all parties can- 
unite, for the removal of an evil which all deplore ? It is certain that the 
friends of colonization in the North and South, as they become more ac- 
quainted with each other's views, become less jealous, and more like mem- 
bers of one family, having common interests and responsibilities. A dis- 
tinguished citizen of the South said with emphasis not long since in. 
relation to nullification movements in South Carolina, "I have been look- 
ing at this subject with deep interest for some time, and have been aston- 
ished at the result of my inquiries. / know of no consistent friend of the 
Colonization Society in South Carolina or the other slave states, who is not 
also a union man." To a mind familiar with the history of the Society 
there is nothing astonishing in this fact. The measures of the Societj 
have been peaceful and eminently fitted to produce union if correctly 
understood. Furnishing, as it has, a medium of communication for its 
friends in all parts of the Union, it has spread befoi-e them facts which 
are peculiarly fitted to soften asperity, and promote a spirit of forbearance 
and conciliation. 

Friends of the Society in New England, while their abhorrence of Sla- 
very is not at all diminished, have learned that nothing can be gained by 
harsh or reproachful language ; that it is idle to aim at its peaceful tcnni-' 
nation by any measures which the planters themselves cannot be persuaded 
to countenance ; and that interference of such a nature as must of neces- 
sity jeopardize their safety and provoke their hostility, is not likely to se- 
cure their approbation or benefit their slaves. 

Friends of the Society at the South, as they reflect upon slavery, ano 
the condition of the whole colored race, and become acquainted with 
Northern feelings, see that there is some reason for the hostility to Sla- 
very in New England. When they perceive that with all their abhorrence 
of slavery, and all the inconvenience they suffer from it, the people of the 
the free states are still disposed to treat their Southern brethren with for- 
bearance, and assist in any reasonable measures for removing an acknowl- 
edged evil, more disastrous to the South than the North, jealousy subsides 
and gives place to kindness and respect. Let the operations of the Society 
be fairly understood, and be carried forward with prudence and energy, 
there will be a rallying poiut, around which will cluster all the friends of lib- 
erty and humanity, of man and of God. Its peaceful doctrines and measures 
will disarm prejudice and will silence opposition or render it harmless : Its 
facts and motives will awaken sympathy and enlist effort : Its success will 
remove the causes of alienation which now exist, and bind in holy brother- 
hood the hearts of good men in all parts of the nation, and the shout of 
"Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable" shall meet a 
hearty response in every village, and vibrate in every heart. 

7. The success of the Society will greatly increase benevolent feeling 
and action in this country. It is a fact established by experiment and 
common sense, that whatever calls into exercise benevolent feelings in- 
creases their power, as really as exercise of the body increases its muscu- 
lar power. If benevolent feelings exist they will produce corresponding 
action. Among all the benevolent societies of the present day, perhaps 
no one has done more than this to awaken such feelings. Many persons 
are disposed to patronize this who do not patronize others. Many who at 
first looked upon it as a wild attempt to perform impossibilities, now find 



37 

their views enlarged, their expectations are sanguine and their free will 
offerings liberal. The progress already made by the society in overcom- 
ing the obstacles of prejudice, ignorance and selfishness, peopling peace- 
ful happy villages on a barbarous shore, causing the yells of savage war- 
fare and the shrieks of tortured captives to give place to the "busy hum" 
of civilized society and the songs of Zion ; the slave factory and the slave 
ship to give place to extended warehouses and merchant vessels, is well 
fitted to silence the cavils of avarice and incredulity, and enforce the di- 
rection, " attempt great things, expect great things." 

Let any one read the publications of the society, he will doubtless- find 
here and there a sentence or sentiment which he cannot approve. But if 
one can trace its history or read an Annual Report, or the speeches at an 
annual meeting of the Society, or a volume of the African Repository, and 
not have his benevolent feelings enlarged, he can furnish convincing proof 
that he has none, or that prejudice has rendered them strangely obtuse. 
It has been peculiarly interesting to watch the progress of some power- 
ful minds in their examination of the publications of this Society. The 
examination has frequently been commenced with a great degree of in- 
difference, perhaps with prejudice, but the facts and-arguments had a resist- 
less energy, and the mind could not dwell upon them unmoved. The best 
feelings of the heart have been enlisted, and the individual has risen from 
the investigation an ardent friend, and perhaps an eloquent and persever- 
ing advocate of Colonization. Let the whole community be thoroughly 
acquainted with the history and tendency of the society, and there will 
net be wanting advocates or patrons. Let its success be equal to its pres- 
ent prospects and its power of doing good, if properly sustained, and no 
object of Christian philanthropy will be thought too great for an experi- 
ment. Changes will be wrought in the condition of degraded human be- 
ings, and in public sentiment in regard to them, which will write upon 
every enlightened mind, in living characters, the soul stirring truth, that 
there is no race of men on earth too low to be elevated to freedom and 
happiness by human agency, aided and directed by the truth, and grace, 
and Spirit of God. The Society is making one of those grand experiments 
which if successful, must inspire hope and prayer and set in motion influ- 
ences and efforts, which will not cease, till Africa shall be regenerated, 
and stand forth among the nations of the earth as distinguished for her 
greatness and glory as she has been for her degradation and misery — till 
the command of the Savior " go teach all nations" shall be obeyed ; 
and songs of salvation shall be heard wherever there are human beings. 

8. I plead the cause of the Colonization Society, because while it is 
doing much good, it need not stand in the way of any other benevolent 
enterprize. It is of course favorable to the operations of Bible, Tract, 
Education, Sabbath School, Missionary and Seamen's Friend Societies, and 
opens a most inviting field for all of them to cultivate. If affords pecu- 
liar facilities for such Societies to push their adventures into the interior. 

By its intercourse with the native tribes, the colony will afford protec- 
tion to the Missionary who may penetrate the interior, and, if proper means 
are furnished, will train up Missionaries for the purpose. Let bibles and 
tracts and schoolmaster? and Missionaries follow the British Steamboat 
up the Niger, and let efforts be made for the intellectual and moral reno- 
vation of the people as vigorous and persevering as those which resulted 



38 

in the discovery of that River ; the Society will bid them God speed.* 
To those who would elevate the colored people in this country the 
friends of Colonization will say, go on and prosper, only let your efforts 
be wisely directed. 

" It has been said that the society is unfriendly to the improvement of 
the free people of color while they remain in the United States. There 
is no truth in the assertion. We rejoice in their prosperity and hap- 
piness." j Build a 'manual labor school,' increase their means of educa- 
tion and happiness by every proper means, only beware that you do not 
fill them with prejudice and bitterness against the whites. Do not mis- 
represent the efforts and sentiments of those who are endeavoring to do 
them good in another manner. Do not tell the colored people that < every 
one who is induced to go to Liberia ought to be considered a traitor to 
their cause,' or use influence to prejudice them against the Society, or the 
colony ; in fine do them no injury, but only good, and the friends of Col- 
onization will approve and aid your efforts. The advocate of immediate 
abolition has no reason to oppose the society ; its tendency as has been 
clearly proved is favorable to emancipation. And if some of its friends, in 
common with the great body of the American people, have expressed the 
opinion that immediate universal emancipation is impracticable, or that it 
would not be beneficial either to the slaves or the nation, they are doubt- 
less open to farther light, and stand ready to retract whenever convinced 
they are in error. They of course believe that if universal emancipation 
were to take place, the colored people would need the aid of the society 
more than they now do ; and that to abandon it would be to blot out the 
star of promise, and wither the brightest hopes and prospects of the whole 
African race. Entertaining these views, the friends of Colonization in 
New England will prosecute their enterprise, till a better plan is devised; 
or till it is discovered that it stands in the way of a better one. If ridi- 
culed and opposed, may they imitate him, who when reviled, reviled not 
again, but prayed for his enemies, and toiled and suffered for their wel- 
fare. Let them be stimulated by his example to obey that injunction 
' whatsoever ye would that men should do to you do ye even so to them, 
they shall receive the reward and the welcome of ' good and faithful ser- 
vants.' The present children of Africa may misunderstand the move- 
ments and motives and be jealous of the friends of Colonization, but her 
future generations will rise and call them blessed, and these efforts will 
one day excite feelings of joy and gratitude wherever human beings can 
trace the history of the American Colonization Society. 

* The managers urge the establishment of a High School or Seminary " to prepare youth not 
only to become able teachers" but " to fulfil successfully their duties as public officers, or Minis- 
ters of religion," and invite donations for this purpose. [See 16th report page 7.] Where are the 
men who will be pioneers in this work, and establish a Manual labor sclwol or College in Liberia, 
that shall advance the interests of science, arts, agriculture, education, government and religion 
in the colony, and train up teachers and missionaries for the interior? To what object would 
funds be more cheerfully contributed in New England ? 

f African Repository Sept. 1831 p. 205. 



PART II. 



ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. 



1. The Liberator. 2. Address to the free people of color, by Wm. Lloyd Garrison 
3. Constitution of the New England Anti Slavery Society. 4. The Abolitionist . 5. 
First Annual Report of the N. E. Anti Slavery Society. 

Several years since, Mr. Garrison commenced his warfare upon the system of 
slavery, and for a time, he was associated with Mr. Lundy, at Baltimore, in publish- 
ing- the Genius of Universal Emancipation, in which he gave great offence to the 
citizens of the South. He was at length prosecuted for a libel, convicted, fined, 
and imprisoned. It was thought by many, that he suffered unjustly, for pleading 
the cause of the oppressed ; and much sympathy was excited in his behalf. Poet- 
ry and newspaper paragraphs written by him in confinement, were copied Into ma- 
ny of the papers, widely circulated, and read with deep interest. His fine was 
paid by a gentleman of New York and his person set at liberty : after which, he 
went to Boston and commenced the Liberator, the third volume of which is now 
publishing weekly by himself and Mr. Isaac Knapp, and circulated extensively 
among the free colored people. 

Early in 1831, he commenced his attacks upon the Colonization Society, and in 
June, he addressed the free people of color in Philadelphia, New York, and other 
cities, advising them, among other tilings, (some of which are praise-worthy,) 'To 
sustain those periodicals devoted to their cause : ' To support each other' — that is, 
'Sell to each other, and buy of each other, in preference of the whites.' * To 
i maintain their rights in all cases, and at whatever expense.'* To ' maintain their 
rights as they would defend their lives.' \ ' Finally,' he advises them to ' abandon 
all thoughts of colonizing themselves as a people in Africa, Hayti, f^c, Oamaia, 
or elsewhere.' i This was soon afterwards published and circulated industriously 
among the colored people ; more than one-fourth of it devoted to opposing the 
Colonization Society. During the same year, preparations were made by him and 
a few others, and the Anti Slavery Society was formed in Boston, Jan. 1,1832, 
The following gentlemen were appointed its officers. 

Arnold Buffum, President. Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Cor. Sec. 

James C. Odiorne, ) T ~ p . , Joshua Coffin, Rcc. Sec. 

Alonzo Lewis, 5 lict rresidcnts - Michael H. Simpson, Treas. 

At the monthly meeting in February, it was voted "that a copy of the Constitu- 
tion and address of the Society be sent to all the editors of newspapers," and 
"to every Clergyman in New England, earnestly soliciting his co-operation in pro- 
moting the objects of the Society." Although the Constitution has no allusion to 
African Colonization, more than one-third ol the address is devoted to opposing the 
Colonization Society. During the year, Mr. Garrison published his 'Thoughts' on 
Colonization, which he commends to the " attention of the two most powerful 
classes in this country — Editors of newspapers, and the Clergy ,"§ as 'the power- 
ful influence of the Clergy is to be broken.'\\ In January, 1833, the Abolitionist 
was commenced by the Society ; edited by a Committee. During the same month, 
the First Annual Meeting was held, and the First Report, with an Appendix, has 
recently appeared from the press of Garrison & Knapp, in a pamphlet of 54 pages. 
The Report and numbers of the Abolitionist already issued, show that the Man- 

* Address, p. 14. f lb- JP- 17- etc. §p. 38. ||p. 7. 



40 

agers adopt Mr. Garrison s opposition to the Colonization Society, and make it a 
prominent part of their object. More than half the Report is occupied by an attack 
upon the Colonization Society, and the reasons why "they denounce and oppose 
it," are given in the true style and spirit of his "Thoughts." Speaking of their 
success, the Managers say, 

" With feeble means, the Society has produced great results. It has constantly employed its 
Presiding officer as an Agent for the past six months, to go forth to the people, and urge its claims 
upon their charities and confidence. His labors, it is believed, have been extensively useful. 
The Managers bear honorable testimony to his zeal, faithfulness and ability. Other agents have 
been successfully employed for a shorter period. Five thousand copies of the Constitution and 
address of the Society have been printed for gratuitous distribution. A libera! pur- 
chase has been made of Mr. Garrison's "Thoughts on African Colonization," for a similar 
purpose. The Society has effected the emancipation of a young slave-boy in this city by a suit • 
at law. It is now making strenuous exertions for the establishment of a Manual Labor School, 
for the education of colored youth, and will probably attain its object. It has effected the con- 
version of a multitude of minds to the doctrine of immediate abolition, and given a wide and sal- 
utary check to the progress of the Colonization Society''* 

From the Liberator, it appears that the President, Mr. Buffum, while giving ad- 
dresses on Slavery, frequently attacked the Colonization Society. t Mr. Johnson, 
the present Recording Secretary, \ lectured in 15 or 20 places in New England du- 
ring the last year, and in some, if not all of them, attacked the Colonization Socie- 
ty. Mr. Garrison, while travelling in Maine as an Agent of the Anti Slavery So- 
ciety, attended a meeting called by the friends of Colonization, and occupied a con- 
siderable portion of two evenings in opposing the Society. § He has frequently lec- 
tured against the Society in Massachusetts. 

An effort has been made by officers of the Society to prejudice benevolent in- 
dividuals in Great Britian against the Colonization System. Mr. Garrison wrote 
to James Cropper, in May 1832. Mr. Buffum also has written to him and to Thom- 
as Clarkson. The prominent object of these letters, and the documents sent with 
them, seems to have been to persuade them that the Colonization Society is a "con- 
spiracy against human rights." They have been successful in persuading James 
Cropper, Joseph Phillips, and Capt. Charles Stuart to oppose the Society, by 
publishing objections to it gathered from the " letters — Thoughts — and — Lib- 
erator" of Mr. Garrison : and their communications furnish new materials for the 
New England Anti Slavery publications. || 

It has seemed to be necessary to trace the movements of the Society thus mi- 
nutely, as the constitution does not explain all the objects which the Society is 
aiming to accomplish. 

" The objects of the Society shall be, to endeavor by all. means sanctioned by law, humanity 
and religion, to effect the abolition of slavery in the United States ; to improve the condition o< 
the free people of color, to improve and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and 
rights, and obtain for them equal civil and political rights and privileges with the whites."** 

Who would suppose from this article that the Anti Slavery Society is devoting a 
prominent part of its efforts to opposing the Colonization Society? 

As a citizen of New England, I cannot but desire the abolition of slavery, and 
the elevation of the people of color to freedom and happiness; but there are rea- 
sons why I cannot co-operate with the New England Anti Slavery Society, which a 
sense of duty urges me to state thus publicly. Before doing this, it seems necessa- 
ry to express more fully my views in relation to slavery, and the objects of the So- 
ciety as stated in the Constitution. I believe, 

1. That slavery is a moral wrong, and a great political evil — a curse both to the 
slave, the master and the nation. 

2. That slaves ought to be liberated as soon as they can be with benefit to them- 
selves, and without producing evils greater than slavery itself, and that it is the 
interest as well as duty of proprietors and States, to pursue the best means for ef- 
fecting this purpose. 

3. That there are but two ways in which they can be emancipated : one of these is 
by force, the other by the consent of their masters. 

4. That we have no right, civil or religious, to liberate them by force, or pursue 
such means as would tend to insurrections. 

5. That as slavery is a national evil, and as New England ships, and seamen, and 
capital were actively employed in enslaving the fathers, it is right that the citi- 
zens of New England should share the labor and expense of giving freedom and 
happiness to the children. 

*p. 42. f See his letters in the Liberator for six months previous to February 1. J Liber- 
ator, Jan 12, over the signatnre of It. N. § See Kennebeck Journal, Oct. 12, 1832. 

|| Letter of Joseph Phillips, Lib. Dec. 15, 1832. •'Constitution, Article 2. 



41 

Vi. That whatever can be done by the people of New England, in a spirit of kind- 
ness, to assist the proprietors of slaves to think and act right on this whole subject, 
is a reasonable duty. 

7. Calling them hard names, insulting or abusing, or pursuing measures fitted to 
exasperate them, is not likely to produce right feelings or action among proprie- 
tors, or benefit their slaves. 

8. That the free colored people in this country have strong claims upon our sym- 
. pathy and assistance ; and while those who desire it should be assisted to remove 

to Liberia, those who remain in this country should be furnished with means of 
education and every possible facility for becoming good citizens. 

9. That whatever tends to make them jealous of the whites and excite bitter and 
vindictive feelings, is not fitted to make them good citizens, or secure for them the 
respect and assistance they need. 

10. That to circulate among the free blacks of New England, publications, 
which, if circulated in the slave States, would necessarily tend to insurrection, is 
injurious to the colored people, and not sanctioned by law, humanity, or religion." 

In relation to the founders and patrons of the New England Anti Slavery Soci- 
ety, I am happy to admit, 

1. That they ardently desire to benefit the whole colored race, and are willing to 
make vigorous efforts for this purpose. 

2. That some of them have manifested a zeal and perseverance worthy of this 
noble enterprize. 

3. That in their publications there are many noble sentiments, worthy of the 
approbation of all men. 

4. To the objects of the Society, as expressed in the second article of the Consti- 
tution, if properly pursued, I could have no objection. But I cannot co-operate 
with the Society, 

1. Because it opposes the Colonization Society, although no provision is made for 
this in the Constitution. 

After the most thorough examination, this opposition seems to me unreasonable ; 
and it is bad policy to tear down a Society which is proved to be a good one, for 
the sake of building up another of doubtful tendency, and one which, if suc- 
cessful, would render the former indispensable. If the Anti Slavery Society could 
persuade the Southern people to emancipate all their slaves this year, there would 
be more work for the Colonization Society than ever before. Take an illustration. 

In Virginia, are several thousand free blacks, but few of whom are proprietors of 
land, and the greater part are miserably poor, either for want of employment or 
disposition to labor. Several thousand slaves are annually sold from Virginia in- 
to other States, still leaving enough to perform the labor. Let the masters eman- 
cipate and hire their laborers, they will pursue the policy of the northern farmer, 
— hire the best workmen and as few of them as can do his work. As free men 
perform more labor than slaves, a much smaller number would be employed, and 
consequently, a large number would be thrown out of employment : these added 
to the thousands now annually sold from the state, and the other thousands previ- 
ously free, would make up an immense surplus population unemployed, and un- 
provided for, which must have a vent somewhere. It would surely be a work of 
mercy to furnisli a home in Africa for those who might desire it, and to oppose the 
Colonization Society, or prejudice the colored people against it, would be to them 
an act of extreme cruelty. But the spirit and manner of this opposition are pecu- 
liarly objectionable. Mr. Garrison's ' Thoughts,' of which '« liberal purchase has 
lieen made by the Anti Slavery Society for gratuitous distribution,' abound in griev- 
ous charges and hard names. 

" I am prepared to show that those who have entered into this conspiracy against k-j- 
man rights, are unanimous in abusing their victims: unanimous in their mode of attack: 
unanimous in proclaiming the absurdity that our free blacks are natives of Africa: unanimous in 

* " Tdeem it to be my duty to express to you, at this time, my opinion, that to publish books, 
pamphlets, or newspapers, designed to be circulated here and in other Stales of the Union, and 
having a necessary tendency to excite in the minds of our citizens deadly hatred and hostility 
against their brethren of other States, and to stimulate the slave population of those States to 
rise against their masters, and to effect by fire and sword their emancipation, is an offence 
against this commonwealth, and that it may be prosecuted as a misdemeanor, at common law. 
It is said that pamphlets and papers of such character have been published in Boston and sent to 
the Southern States, and that they have caused great alarm and complaint there. It cannot be 
denied, that it is just cause both of alarm and complaint." Charge of Judtre Thacher to the Qrann 
Jury of the County of Suffolk, in March, aho in Dec. 1832. 

| Thoughts, p. 10. See also introduction to this work. 



42 

propagating the libel, that they cannot be elevated and improved in this country : unanimous in 
opposing their instruction : unanimous in apologizing for the crime of slavery, &c.* "It is a 
conspiracy to send the free people of color to Africa under a benevolent pretence, but really that 
the slaves may be held more securely in bondage. It is a conspiracy based upon fear, oppres- 
sion and falsehood, which draws its aliment from the prejudices of the people, which is sustain- 
ed by duplicity, which really upholds the slave system, which fascinates while it destroys, which 
endangers the safety and happiness of the country, which no precept of the Bible can justify, 
which is implacable in its spirit, which should be annihilated at a blow. 

" These are iny accusations, and if I do not substantiate them, I am willing to be covered with 
reproach."* 

''Ye crafty calculators : ye hard hearted inconigible sinners ! ye greedy and relentless robbers ! 
ye contemners of justice and mercy ! ye trembling, pitiful, pale-faced usurpers ! my soul spurns 
you with unspeakable disgust." 

"The Colonization Cro/t is a diabolical pursuit which a great part of our Christian community 
are engaged in."f 

" But to the awful disappointment of all such blasphemers, they will meet the justice of God, 
which will be to them a devouring sword. "J 

The report of the Society breathes much of the same spirit. After speaking of 
it as " not only a burlesque upon moral enterprizes, hut the acme of folly," the Man- 
agers say, 

" The reason, too, which is given by the Colonization Society for this expulsion is monstrous ; 
and as often as it is urged in any of its reports, or its official organ, or by any of its itinerants, 
should rill the readers or hearers of the base libel with indignation, it is — that the Ameriean peo- 
ple are so incorrigibly vile, so lost to all sense of shame ; so far beyond repentance, so prescrip- 
tive in their feelings, so filled with all malice, prejudice and hate, that, to the latest generation, 
they will not cease to treat their free colored countrymen in the most tyiannous and dastardly 
manner, unless they are separated by a breadth of 4,000 miles. And in order to vindicate this 
ungodly spirit, the Managers of the American Colonization Society in their last Annual Report 
utter this blasphemy, "&x-§ 

With such a spirit, I cannot hold fellowship : — such weapons I cannot wield : 
especially against an institution embodying a great portion of the best men in the 
nation. With a Society that pursues such measures, I cannot co-operate. 

2. The Anti Slavery Society docs not give an account of its funds, or the manner 
of expending them. 

The Annual report acknowledges donations from four individuals, and the 
Agent, in his Reports, published in the Liberator, speaks of taking contributions, 
without stating the amount. But we have no means of ascertaining the amount 
of funds during the last year. Why this omission? What was the amount of 
contributions taken by the Agent in Andover, Woburn, Belchertown, Springfield, 
Greenfield, and many other places in Massachusetts, Walpole and Keene, N. H. 
and other places which might be named ? What is the amount of individual do- 
nations? and how have the funds been expended? We are indeed told that a 'lib- 
eral purchase of Mr. Garrison's Thoughts has been made,' and ' 5,000 copies of 
the Constitution and Address of the Society have been printed for gratuitous 
distribution,' and that Agents have been employed to urge the claims of the Soci- 
ety upon the charities and confidence of the people. || But how much has it cost 
to make a ' liberal purchase' of a pamphlet of 23G pages — which the Methodist 
Quarterly Review pronounces " a publication essentially slanderous in all 
its parts, "If and to circulate 5,000 copies of an address, one third of which is an 
attack upon the Col. Society ? How much does it cost to enable the 'president 1 of 
the Society to travel and " urge its claims on the charities of the people," by tell- 
ing them that "the object of the Colonization Society was to banish from our land 
the free people of color; that it has unvaryingly pursued this single object; that 
it still contemplates the entire banishment of '300,000 of the free citizens of the 
United States to the coast of Africa, by means which must be marked with great 
cruelty and suffering ; that the avowed object to be obtained by their banishment 
is, increased security, permanency and profit to the slave system?"** How large 
part of the funds has been expended to give "a wade and salutary check to the 
progress of the Colonization Society ?"+t How much has been expended in abol- 
ishing slavery in " the emancipation of a young slave boy in Boston by a stut at 
laic :"+t and how much has been devoted to elevating the free colored people, and 
in what manner? These are subjects on which the citizens of New England need 
more light, before they can co-operate extensively with the Anti Slavery Society. 

3. With its course of management thus far, the society is engaged in a hopeless en- 
terprise. 

♦Thoughts, p. 10. fib. part II, p. 63. Jib. p 64. From an Address before the colored 
population of Providence, R. I. Nov. 27, 1828. $ Report, p. 23. ||See Report, p. 42. 

IT Review of 'Thoughts on African Colonization' in the Methodist Magazine for Jan. 1833. 
** Mr. BurTum's report of his lecture before the Roxbury Lyceum, ft Report, p. 42. tJIb. 



43 

There is no good reason to expect the destruction of the Colonization Society 
by such measures. Notwithstanding the 'wide and salutary check to its progress,' 
it has accomplished almost twice as much during the last year as in any preced- 
ing one. 

There is little prospect of convincing the American people by such means, that 
'the Colonization Society deceives and misleads the nation}'* that all who patron- 
ize it are miserably duped, or are too wicked to do right ; that its Managers are 
guilty of ' blasphemy;' \ or its Agents of icantonly promulgating gross fictions, ex- 
pressly to deceive." &c.+ mis-stating the principles and operations of the Col. 
Society, and gulling the ignorant and 'thoughtless into a support of a most nefarious 
scheme,' '§ or triumphing 'by a bold deception, || or that the friends of Colonization are 
" unanimous in abusing their victims," " propagating libels," or " opposing the in- 
struction of the colored people.* 

There is little hope of the peaceful abolition of slavery in this way. It is now sev- 
eral years since Mr. Garrison commenced his efforts, and the Southern people 
surely have not been ignorant of them. He was imprisoned in Maryland. The 
Legislature of Georgia has offered <$5000 for his apprehension, and the Committee 
of Vigilance of Charleston, S. C. offered $1500 more. The Executive of Virgin- 
ia, it is said, has taken public notice of him. All these circumstances are pecu- 
liarly fitted to give his efforts notoriety, add 'oil to the fire of his zeal' and excite 
sympathy among those who abhor slavery. Although the Society has existed but 
one year, the Managers say " It has produced great results." " It has done more 
to make slavery a subject of national investigation, to excite discussion, and to 
maintain the freedom of speech on a hitherto prohibited theme, than all other So- 
cieties now in operation." And it has emancipated one young slave in Bos- 
ton ! ! !** 

While the Society has done so much 1o abolish slavery, the Report states," with- 
in the last two years, the legislatures of Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina. Lou- 
isiana, Alabama, and Tennessee have passed laws respecting the free colored and 
slave population of those States, which are in the highest degree atrocious. "ft 

It also exhorts abolitionists to bear meekly " the taunts and reproaches of half- 
way reformers, and temporizing gradualists, who accuse them of provoking slave 
holders to treat their slaves more rigorously than ever. "ft For one, I despair of 
the peaceful abolition of slavery by such measures as have been pursued, whether I 
judge from their character or their actual results ;§§ and finally, I despair of per- 

* Garrison's Thoughts. t An- Rep. p. 23. J Liberator, Feb. 2, 1833. § lb. Dec. 29, 
1832. || Abolitionist, No. 1, page 7. 

** Supreme Judicial Court Dec. 4, 1832. Before Shaw, Chief Justice. 

A habeas corpus was brought against Mrs. Howard, a lady who had resided in the Island of 
Cuba, in order to have the body of Francisco, a colored boy, 12 or 14 years of age, (whom it was 
alleged that the defendant intended to carry to the Island of Cuba, and there keep or sell as a 
slave,) brought before the Court. 

The defendant, in her return to the habeas corpus, stated in writing, that the boy, Francisco, 
icas her servant, that he was free, and that she did not claim him as a slave.'" After hearing the 
evidence and arguments on both sides, and '•'after examining Francisco privately, and ascertaining 
that it was his desire to go with Mrs. Howard,'''' Chief Justice Shaw gave an opinion of which 
the following is the conclusion. " The Court must act as the boy's guardian. He appears to be 
attached to *>irs. Howard, and to be desirous of going with her, and I think it is for his interest to 
do so, if he pleases. He can therefore go with her or not, as he chooses. And all persons will 
be prohibited from interfering by force to prevent him from going with her, if such continues his 
wish."— Boston Atlas, abridged. See Rep. p. 47. f|p. 13. %%l\i. p. 12. 

% The advocates of this Society seem to have a peculiar fondness for proving the impractica- 
bility of Colonization by mathematical demonstration, and it may be proper here to borrow one 
of their illustrations. Its author as a preacher of the 'impartial doctrine'' will not surely object to it. 

" While [one young slave has been liberated] in a year, 200 have been born to perpetual slave- 
ry in a day. Now, at this rate, how long would it take the [Anti Slavery] Society to remove 
slavery from the country? If [with the zealous efforts of Mr. Garrison for several years, the cir- 
culation of his paper and pamphlets, and the ' great results of the Society during the past year,' 
they have effected the emancipation of a young slave boy in Boston, by a suit at law, who was 
alreadv free and not claimed as a slave,~\ how long will it require this society, to banish slave- 
ry from this free and happy land of liberty, where slaves are bought and sold as cattle ?" — 
[Speech of Rev. Mr. Russell, of Watertown against the Colonization .Society, delivered at the an- 
niversary of the N. E. Anti Slavery Society. See L'berator, Jan 2fi, 1833.] " Truly, sir, this 
beats the fable of the frog jumping out of the well : for in this case the frog jumps up two feet every 
day, but falls back more than three feet every night. But to be serious, the project is impractica- 
ble." [Speech of Amasa Walker, Esq. at the;same meeting, ib.] If these illustrations apply 
to the Colonization Society, they do with greater force apply to the Anti Slavery Society, espe- 
cially when it is remembered that laws preventing emancipation, and oppressing the colored 
people have been passed in so many slave states, since the Liberator and similar publications 
have been in circulation. 



44 

suading the thinking and virtuous citizens of New England to co-operate with the 
Society when they understand its measures and its real bearings. 

3. The publications and measures of the Society are peculiarly fitted to create jeal- 
ousy among the colored people in the free States — make them hostile to the whites — 
and thus prevent efforts for their improvement, or render such efforts unsucsessful. 

I see not how any one can deny this,, after reading these publications, and the 
Resolutions and Addresses and remonstrances of the free colored people, and as- 
certaining that most of them have been called forth withintwo years, or sincethe Lib- 
erator be tran to circulate among them. 

The spirit which breathes in many of these publications, if imbibed by the color- 
ed people, is fitted to make them suspicious and insolent, and thus to throw 
them out of employment, render them odious to the whites, and prevent efforts to 
improve them. And if the most prudent efforts were made for their improvement, 
while in a state of excitement and suspicion, the colored people would not profit by 
them. 

4. The influence of such publications must be still more injurious to the free 
blacks in the slave states. It is sometimes said ' We do not send these publica- 
tions south of the Potomac' But it is certain that they sometimes find their way 
into the slave States, and their influence extends much farther than they are read. 
" You must hold an active correspondence on the subject icith your brethren all over 
the country, and conjure them all to stand firm." So says Mr. Garrison in relation 
to Colonization. It is natural that they should do so on other subjects as well as 
on this, and that they should circulate the writings of their abler advocates. 

It is not strange that the colored people who come under such instructions should 
:; look upon the Colonization Society as a peace disturbing combination :"* that 
their orators should declare that the Colonization craft is a diabolical pursuit, t or 
that they should exhort their hearers in the following strain : " our forefathers 
fought, and bled, and died to achieve the independence of the United States, li'hy 
should we forbear contending for the prize ? It becomes every colored citizen 
in the United States to step forward boldly and gallantly defend his rights." 
[Extract from the Address of Mr. Peter Osborne to the people of color in the Af- 
rican church, New Haven, Ct. July 5, 1832. Liberator, Dec. 1.] 

It is not strange that the colored people should be excited by such a process. 
Sentiments like the above, circulated among an ignorant population, are wonder- 
fully fitted to produce excitement. It is easy to account for the numerous resolu- 
tions and remonstrances and addresses of the colored people published in Mr. Gar- 
rison's Thoughts, and copied into the Annual Report of the Anti Slavery Society. 
And what must be the effect of such excitement, as it extends among the colored 
people in the slave states ? Evidently to insure their more rigorous treatment — oc- 
casion laws forbidding their instruction, — requiring them to leave the State or give 
security for their good behaviour, and in various ways to render theii condition 
more wretched. If there is danger that free blacks will be banished from this 
country, or from the slave States, that danger arises not from the measures of the 
Colonization Society, but from the influence of such instructions as are now cir- 
culated among portions of the colored people. 

5. This process increases the danger of insurrection— prevents the instruction oj 
slaves — and throws obstacles in the way of emancipation, unless it is to be effected by 
force. [See parti, p. 33, &c] " A letter from a highly respectable and ardent 
friend of emancipation at Richmond, (Va.) says : nothing is more dreaded by the 
great mass of persons opposed on ■principle to slavery in this region, than such in- 
flammatory publications as the Liberator. They throw increased obstacles in the way 
of emancipation: and if they could have all the influence that seems to be aimed at. 
they would bring on a struggle that must result in the extermination of the blacks.^ 

Another writer says : 

" I consider the efforts and writings of Mr Garrison as tending powerfully to 
excite in the free colored people deadly hostility to the whites— to occasion the 

* Resolutions passed by a Convention of colored people. An. Report, p. 38. 

f Address before the Colored people in Providence, R. I. by Rev Hosea Eastman. Garrison's 
Thoughts, part 2. p. 64. 

t It [the Colonization Society] does nothing to prevent the instruction of the blacks. That has 
been effected, as 1 believe, so far as legislation can doit, by Garrison's paper andapamphlet 
surreptitiously circulated about two years ago, said to be written by one Walker, in Boston. 
These occasioned laws by which our Sabbath and week day schools for free blacks, which were 
very beneficial to them, have been entirely put down.— Letter of a friend of emancipation in Rich- 
mond, Va. § Boston Transcript, Dec. 22. 1832. 



45 

more rigorous treatment of the slaves— endanger the safety of the South, and the 
union of the States." » 

These men are not Slave holders. They are Northern men, with Northern ab- 
horrence of Slavery ; who have resided for a few years at the South, and anxious- 
ly observed the influence of such publications and measures. The strictures of a 
late reviewer are worthy of serious consideration : 

•• The style which he'em ploys— we beg his friends and advisers candidly to pon- 
der this remark— is not the style to do good with. Satan cannot cast out Satan 
Such wrath and railincr, such recklessness and coarseness of vituperation, as fill 
his writings, may inflame, but cannot enlighten, may irritate, but cannot con- 
vince. We believe that cool and patient argument may do much, even with Slave 
holders ; we are sure that ' sound and fury ' can do nothing but mischief. We 
cannot doubt that the efforts of this writer, and his coadjutors, are disastrously de- 
•laying the arrival of that hour, when public sentiment, in the Slave holding 
tates, shall turn with a rapid and irresistible tide against Slavery.''" 
6. Ij the publications and measures of the Society arc sanctioned in the Northern 
States, theij must necessarily increase the alienation between the. North and South and 
powerfully tend to a dissolution of the Union. These publications are peculiarly 
ritted to engender a spirit of bitterness and wrath against Slave holders, which un- 
fits its possessor for acting prudently or usefully in relation to Slavery. The un- 
seemly epithets and charges, lavished indiscriminately upon the Southern people, 
by some of the readers and admirers of these publications, are revolting to every 
benevolent feeling. Should this spririt become prevalent at the North, or should 
the Southern people receive the impression that it is countenanced here, the con- 
sequences would be most disastrous. There is no necessity of long extracts to 
show that the publications are fitted to create this spirit. Witness the language 
applied to friends of Colonization as quoted in the second part of this pamphlet ; 
and the epithets applied to Slave holders without distinction in the challenges no- 
ticed in the introduction.! Can such language and such a spirit, tolerated at the 
North, do ought but mischief? Will it not lead to disunion ? This consideration 
probably will not avail much with those who agree with Mr. Garrison. Speaking 
of the Constitution of the United States, he says : 

" We pronounce it the most bloody and heaven-daring arrangement ever made by men for the 
continuance and protection of a system of the most atrocious villany ever exhibited on earth 
Yes— we recognize the compact, but with feelings of shame and indignation : and it will be held 
in everlasting infamy by the friends of justice and humanity throughout the world. It was a 
compact foimed at the sacrifice of the bodies and souls of millions of our race, for the sake of 
achieving a political object— an unblushing and monstrous coalition to do evil that good might 
come."— Lib. Dec. 29, 1»32. 

" It is said that if you agitate this question, [slavery] you will divide the Union, relieve it 
not ; but should disunion follow, the fault will not be yours. You must perform your duty, faith- 
fully, fearlessly and promptly, and leave the consequences to God : that duty clearly is, to cea^ 
.'..in! giving countenance and protection to southern kidnappers. Let them separate, if they can 
muster courage enough — and the liberation of their slaves is certain." — Idem. 

With such sentiments and such measures. I am not prepared to co-operate. 
7. The publications and measures of the Society produce unkind feelings, lan- 
guage and conduct among friends and neighbors in the free States, and are fitted 
to crush the spirit of benevolence, and destroy the confidence of men in all benev- 
olent enterprises. 

It would seem that Mr Garrison has a wonderful power to transform those who 
jive his writings full credit, into his own image. The various news paper at- 
tacks on the Colonization Society, wherever they originate, breathe much the same 
spirit, and indicate either that the writers have been moulded by his influence, or 
that only those of a certain temperament embark in this opposition. How shall 
language like the following, and from a source so respectable, be explained without 
such a supposition ? 

" I know not how to express the emotions — disgust, sorrow, indignation — which 
this subject awakens within me. A foul conspiracy against the colored Aineri- 

* Review of Thoughts on African Colonization, Christian Spectator, March 1833. 

t Note to page 6, see also the following from a challenge signed by Politicu9 : " Every Slave 
holder who holds a public office in the United Mutes, ia guilty of wilful and corrupt per jury.'' ~ Lib - 
rator March 10, 1833. 

The following is part of an article copied from the Boston Telegraph edited by ltev. Moses 
Thacher. The article is signed by " Ons who has rights" probably the same " Presbyterian 
.Minister" whose challenge is referred to above. 

"Every American Slave holder is the originator of Slavery j a Kuuuriiper, akost turpitude is more 
nefarious and criminal, than any of the human Flesh Temli ts vho ever pirated on the coast of Africa ! 

" I am prepared to demonstrate the truth of this test ; &c."~- Lib. March 9, 1633. 



46 

can seems to have been formed in this country ; — to slander him, revile him, tread 
him under foot. — A tygers skin is thrown upon him ; and then what a rush of men 
and dogs .'* 

Is this the spirit of the "beloved disciple" — is it the spirit of Christ? or is it 
the spirit of Mr. Garrison ? Is it the style of the New Testament? or of the Lib- 
erator, which the writer calls " Mr. Garrison s admirable paper ?'\ 

Are not the challenges and communications of " one who has rights " and of 
" watchman " and " politicus " legitimate fruits of the seed sown in the Libera- 
tor and other publications of Mr. Garrison ? Many of the correspondents of the 
Liberator furnish abundant evidence of their sentiments having been " changed " 
or formed by his writings, if they had not frankly confessed it. Their communica- 
tions, show in the language of Professor Wright, " That William Lloyd Garrison 
has come down upon [them] like a thunder bolt."} But do such " thunder-bolts " 
purify the moral atmosphere, and compose the warring elements in this day of ex- 
citement? Do men who are thus thunderstruck become better fitted to act right ? 
— to do to others as they would that others should do to them ? Do these men, as 
they become familiar with such writings, increase in their " long-suffering " and 
" gentleness " and " charity" as well as their zeal? Judging from the nature of 
the human mind, or from an acquaintance with some who applaud these writings, 
I cannot resist the painful conviction that the reverse is true; that the more violent 
and boisterous passions are thereby nourished, the feelings of kindness and benev- 
olence withered and lost in the lightning blaze of such thunder-storms. The 
same mode of attack, if leveled against any other benevolent enterprise, and pur- 
sued with similar zeal, would lead astray some minds, and if generally counten- 
anced would prostrate the noblest charities of the age. Some have engaged in 
this opposition doubtless with the purest motives ; but there are those in almost 
every community who are glad of an apology for opposing a benevolent society. 
Some of this class are unquestionably joining heartily in this opposition, in the 
hope that they shall soon stand upon the ruins of the Colonization Society, and 
attack successfully other societies, which now seem less vulnerable. The spirit of 
this opposition is the spirit of radicalism ; a spirit with which I have no fellow- 
ship. 

8. Another reason why I cannot co-operate with this Society, is, that the 
managers are furnishing British Editors and Reviewers tcith the most rare materials 
for slandering this Country. 

I do not suppose they intend this— they may not have considered the use which 
will be made of their efforts. They have sent letters and publications to benev- 
olent individuals, and enlisted their efforts in opposing the Colonization Society, 
in order to prevent Mr. Cresson from collecting funds in England. Perhaps this 
was all they at first Intended. But it is known that there are those in Great Brit- 
tain who have a keen relish for the writings of such travellers as Capt. Hall and 
Madam Trollope, and are disposed to seize every opportunity for saying hard things 
of the American people. Neither of these writers have furnished more precious 
morsels for such a taste, than are to be found in the ' Liberator ' and ' Thoughts 
on African Colonization.' Some in England are doubtless very glad of these ma- 
terials at this time. A spirit of Commercial enterprise is exploring with eager ex- 
pectation the regions opened in Africa by the discovery of the Landers, and the 
American Colony at Liberia occupies a territory which would be very convenient 
for the use of British capitalists, engaged in African commerce. And besides, this 
Colony is becoming no mean rival of Sierra Leone. It is introducing republican 
principles and American institutions and enterprise into that Continent, in a man- 
ner which is not fitted to secure the special favor of those who hold us and our in- 
stitutions in contempt. These considerations will lessen to some extent, the im- 
portance of British opinions in relation to the American Colonization Society. 
Allowing that Capt. Stuart, and James Cropper, and Joseph Phillips are actuated 
by the purest motives in opposing this Society, the people of New England will 
not think their opinions entirely conclusive, when it is known that they are based 
upon Mr. Garrison's writings.^ Capt. Stuart has written two pamphlets, which 

♦Letter of Professor Beriah Green of the Western fleserve College, Genius of Temperance 
March 20. t Lib. Jan. 1833. } Genius of Temperance Vol. 3, No. «• 

«" Your letter— Thoughts-and Liberator have furnished abundant materials lor Capt tiuan 
to write another Pi mphlet on the subject of the Colonization Society. It will be printed at jainea 
Cropper's expense and distributed throughout England. If this does not drive *^"°^£*?- 
son out of England, we shall, if necessary, form a society."— letter of Joseph, t iiu- 
lips to Mr. Garrison. Lib. Dec. 15, lt!3"2. 



47 

have been widely circulated, and reviewed by several English papers. The Me- 
chanics Magazine in an article, headed "Negro Colony of Liberia, " says : " This 
self-styled ' philanthropic ' undertaking turns out to be a mere delusion." The Liv- 
erpool Mercury has expressed similar views. 

The Eclectic Review has also published an extended notice of Mr. Garrison's 
; Thoughts ' and Capt. Stuart's pamphlet. It is to be regretted that this work, 
which lias usually exhibited so much candor in its notices of American Institu- 
tions, should have been misled on this subject by the publications referred to, or 
by the zeal of those gentlemen engaged in circulating them in England. James 
Cropper, at whose expense Capt. Stuart's pamphlet was printed, speaks of the 
Colonization Society as " That most abominable attempt to perpetuate slave- 
ry "* and " a scheme, the most diabolical that ever entered into the heart of man 
to devise."* Joseph Phillips calls it " that satanic and diabolical combination 
and conspiracy against that most interesting portion of the population of tin I til- 
ted States.''* Such sentiments from active friends of abolition in England, the 
.Veir- England Anti-Slavery Society is aiding to circulate both in that country and 
in this. It cannot be urged that this is the work of some rash individuals, for 
whose conduct the Society is not responsible. It is the work of the founders of 
the Society. The Managers have now <: appointed Wm. Lloyd Garrison as their 
Agent," and he is about to sail for England under their direction, " for the purpose 
of procuring funds to aid in the establishment of the proposed Manual La- 
bor School for colored youth, and of disseminating in that country the truth (?) 
in relation to American Slavery, and its ally, the American Colonization Socii ty " 

As a lover of my country I cannot desire to see her thus represented in Great. 
Britain. If by "disseminating the truth in relation to the Colonization Society," is 
meant the repetition of such charges as have already been sent there in 1 his 
"Thoughts" and " Liberator," the sentence should read li disseminating ma- 
terials which will aid British Reviewers and Editors in vilifying the people of the 
United States." 

If the Managers of this Society would pursue such measures for the instruc- 
tion and elevation of the free colored people as are fitted to accomplish that object, 
instead of filling their minds with jealousy and bitterness, — if they would cease 
their violent opposition to those who are endeavoring to do them good in another 
manner, there would be no need of sending to England for funds to establish a 
••Manual Labor School." Friends of Colonization generally in New England, 
would unquestionably, be forward in this enterprise, but for objections such as 
have been referred to. If these objections are not real, if they do not justify the 
people of New-England in their unwillingness to co-operate with the Anti-Slave- 
ry Society in efforts for African improvement, it is hoped that the Managers of 
that Society will obviate them. Let them show that their course of measures will 
in the best manner benefit the African race, bond and free; that all their means 
and measures are " sanctioned by law, humanity and religion ; " and there is no indi- 
vidual who will more cheerfully lend them his feeble assistance Than 

A Citizen of New England. 

* Lib. Dec. 15, 1832. t Lib. March 9, 1833. 



Erratum Page 24, second line from the bottom, for G. W. P. Curtis read G. W. P. Custis. 



THE COLOjVIZATIOXIST, 

AND 
JOURNAL OF FREEDOM 



A publication with the above title has been commenced in Boston by George 
W. Light, & Co. The first number has just appeared from the press, and does 
credit to the enterprizing publishers. The Prospectus and the first article, explain 
the course the publishers intend to pursue, and deserve the attention ofthe friends 
of" Liberty and the Union." The writer has two reasons for noticing it in 
this place. 

1 . A conviction that such a work is needed in JVew England. 

2. A confidence that if properly sustained, the publishers will make it ichat is 

needed, 

A Citizen of New England. 

[0= The above work is published in monthly numbers of 32 pages each, at two 
dollars per annum. Persons becoming responsible for five copies, will receive a 
sixth gratis. Subscriptions received at the office ofthe Vermont Chronicle. 



R.Io'19 



